UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  3,  pp.  221-436,  plates  1-21,  15  text-figs.  December  23,  1918 


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BY 

LLEWELLYN  L.  LOUD 

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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PRESS 
BERKELEY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 

The  following  publications  dealing  with  archaeological  and  ethnological  subjects  issued 
under  the  direction  of  the  Department  of  Anthropology  are  sent  in  exchange  for  the  publi- 
cations of  anthropological  departments  and  museums,  and  for  journals  devoted  to  general 
anthropology  or  to  archaeology  and  ethnology.  They  are  for  sale  at  the  prices  stated. 
Exchanges  should  be  directed  to  The  Exchange  Department,  University  Library,  Berkeley* 
California,  U.  S.  A.  All  orders  and  remittances  should  be  addressed  to  the  University  of 
California  Press.,. 


AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  ETHNOLOGY.— A.  L.  Kroeber,  Editor.  Prices, 
Volume  1,  §4.25;  Volumes  2 to  11,  inclusive,  $3.50  each;  Volume  12  and  following 
$5.00  each. 


Vol.  1. 


Vol.  2. 


Vol.  3. 


Vol.  4. 


VoL  5. 


Cited  as  Univ.  Calif,  Pub!.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn. 


Price 


1.  Life  and  Culture  of  the  Kupa,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  1-88; 

plates  1-30.  September,  1903 $1.25 

2.  Hupa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  89-368.  March,  1904  ..........  8.00 

Index,  pp.  369-378. 

1.  The  Exploration  of  the  Potter  Creek  Cave,  by  William  J.  Sinclair. 

Pp.  1-27;  plates  1-14.  April,  1904  

2.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber,  Pp.  29-80,  with  a map.  June,  1904 
8.  Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  81-103. 

June,  1904  ............................. : 

4,  Basket  Designs  of  th^  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  A.  L, 

Kroeber.  Pp,  106-164;  plates  15-21.  January,  1906  ...... 

5.  The  Yokuts  Language  of  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pp.  165-377.  January,  1907 
Index,  pp.  379-392. 


.40 


.60 


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The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 
344  pp.  June,  1905  ....... 


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150 


75 


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1.  The  Earliest  Historical  Relations  between  Mexico  and  Japan,  from 

original  documents  preserved  in  Spain  and  Japan,  by  Zelia  Nutfcall. 

Pp.  1-47.  April,  1906  ......... .... 

2.  Contribution  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California,  based  on  col- 

lections in  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University  of 
California,  and  in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum,  by  Ales  Hrdlicka. 

Pp.  49-64,  with  5 tables;  plates  1-10,  and  map.  June,  1906  

8,  The  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  65-166- 
February,  1907  ............ 

4.  Indian  Myths  from  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp. 

167-250.  May,  1907  *1 

5.  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada*  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.  Pp.  251-318.  September,  1907  :.ri .75 

6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  319- 

356.  September,  1907  A0 

Index,  pp.  357-374. 

1.  The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language;  Part  I,  The  Individual  Sounds, 

by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  1-20,  plates  1-8,  March,  1907  86 

2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs,  with  Texts  and  Translations,  by 

Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  21-68. 

September,  1307  ....... — .75 

& Kato  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  65-238,  plate  9.  December, 

1909  — 2.50 

4.  The  Material  Culture  of  the  Klamath  Lake  and  Modoc  Indiana  of 

Northeastern  California  and  Southern  Oregon,  by  S.  A.  Barrett. 

Fp.  239-292,  plates  10-25.  June,  1910  ....... — .... — - 

5,  The  Chimariko  Indians  and  Language,  by  Roland  B.  Dixon.  Pp.  293* 

880.  August,  1910 
Index,  pp.  S8X:384. 


.75 


1.00 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  3,  pp.  221-436,  plates  1-21,  15  text-figs.  December  23,  1918 


ETHN OGEOGRAPHY  AND  ARCHAEOLOGY  OF 
THE  WIYOT  TERRITORY 

BY 

LLEWELLYN  L.  LOUD 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction  225 

Environment  of  Humboldt  Bay  Region 226 

Physiography  226 

Forest  . . 228 

Prairie  .8 . 230 

Indian  trails 230 

Ethnobotany 231 

Wiyot  plant  names  and  uses 232 

Athapascan  plant  names 234 

Fauna  235 

Mammals  235 

Birds  .] 237 

Fish  237 

Mollusks  239 

Other  fauna  240 

Discovery  and  Settlement  by  Whites 241 

Early  voyages  241 

Bodega  in  1775..... 241 

Vancouver  in  1793 — — 244 

Winship  in  1806 245 

Gold  seekers’  rush  in  1850 247 

Indian  Neighbors  of  the  Wiyot 249 

Wiyot  boundaries  - 249 

The  Yurok  - - 249 

Social  barriers  to  intermarriage 250 

Yurok-Wiyot-Algonkin  linguistic  stock 250 


222  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Pthn.  ■•[Vol.  14 

PAGE 

Athapascan  neighbors  „.....„......_.:..i 251 

The  Chilula  . 251 

The  Whilkut  ^... 253 

The  Nongatl 255 

The  Sinkyone  and  Mattole :..... 256 

Wiyot  Ethnogeography  256 

Chief  Wiyot  settlements  in  1850  258 

Sites  near  Mad  river  mouth  259 

Sites  at  the  bend  of  Mad  river  261 

Sites  near  Blue  Lake 263 

Sites  on  Mad  river  slough 265 

Sites  near  Eureka 266 

Sites  near  the  harbor  entrance 269 

Sites  at  the  south  end  of  the  bay 271 

Sites  on  Eel  river 271 

Minor  settlements  and  camp  sites  in  1850  272 

Places  abandoned  previous  to  1850  ........ - 273 

Archaeological  sites  ...:. 275 

Sites  for  surf -fishing ; ........... 278 

Places  of  mythological  interest 281 

Lists  of  geographical  names ,..  284 

Wiyot  geographical  names  286 

Athapascan  geographical  names 290 

Wiyot  names  obtained  by  Kroeber  and  Waterman 292 

Yurok  names  obtained  by  Kroeber  and  Waterman  ....". 297 

Aboriginal  population  298 

^Relation  of  Indians  to  Whites 305 

Character  of  the  settlers  .... ... 306 

Character  of  hostilities 308 

Eeservation  system  311 

Troubles  in  the  Bald  Hills 316 

Early  aggressions  against  the  Wiyot 323 

Eel  river  murders  in  1852  323 

1 ‘ Squaw-men  ’ ’ on  Eel  river  in  1854 ,..  324 

Murder  of  Charles  Hicks  in  1856 323 

Consequences  of  theft  by  Indians 327 

Massacres  by  the  whites  in  1860 329 

Treatment  by  the  whites  since  1860  .... 334 

/ 

Archaeology  of  Site  67 ...„ 337 

Environment  of  the  mound 337 

Size  and  shape  of  the  mound ......  339 

Composition  of  the  mound 339 


1918]  Loud:  JEthno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  221 

PAGE 

Layers  of  stratification 339 

Average  composition  343 

Vertebrate  remains  r 345 

Floors  and  fireplaces 346 

Age  of  the  mound * 347 

Human  remains  350 

Burial  351 

Cremation  353 

Material  culture  357 

Chipped  implements  , 357 

Objects  made  of  sandstone 361 

Objects  of  steatite  and  slate . 366 

Chert  refuse,  cooking  stones,  etc 375 

Objects  of  clay 377 

Objects  of  horn 380 

Objects  of  bone  ... 382 

Objects  of  shell 384 

Carbonized  articles  386 

Objects  from  Various  Sites 387 

Surf-fishing  camps  - 387 

Miscellaneous  sites  - 388 

Summary  and  Conclusion — 392 

Tables  - - 394 

LIST  OF  PLATES 

Plate  1.  Map  of  the  territory  of  the  Wiyot  language. 

Plate  2.  Map  showing  archaeological  sites  on  the  northern  part  of  Hum- 
boldt bay. 

Plate  3.  Map  of  the  entrance  to  Humboldt  bay,  1858. 

Plate  4.  Winship’s  map  of  Humboldt  bay,  1806. 

Plate  5.  Abrupt  coasts. 

Plate  6.  Wiyot  camping  places. 

Plate  7.  Wiyot  villages  of  the  past  and  of  the  present. 

Plate  8.  Sand  dune  and  village  site. 

Plate  9.  Shellmounds. 

Plate  10.  Where  the  “Old  Nation”  dwelt. 

Plate  11.  Contour  plan  of  shellmound  site  67. 

Plate  12.  Vertical  sections  and  diagram  of  site  67. 

Plate  13.  Knives. 

Plate  14.  Chipped  implements. 

Plate  15.  Chipped  implements. 


224  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Plate  16.  Various  stone  implements. 

Plate  17.  Pipes,  sinkers,  etc. 

Plate  18.  Stone  clubs  from  Wiyot  and  Yurok  areas. 
Plate  19.  Clubs  from  California,  Oregon,  and  elsewhere. 
Plate  20.  Objects  of  clay  and  bone. 

Plate  21.  Objects  of  bone,  horn,  and  shell. 


TEXT  FIGURES 

PAGE 

1.  Ground-plan  and  cross-section  of  a Wiyot  house 267 

2.  Scraper  from  site  67 360 

3.  Slave-killer  from  site  67  showing  stains  ; 371 

4.  Slave-killer  from  the  Klamath : 373 

5.  Stone  object  from  Santa  Catalina  island . 373 

6.  Incised  designs  on  dentalium  shells 385 

7.  Pine-nut  beads  385 

8.  Maul-shaped  object  from  sites  10,  11,  or  12 ._. 389 

9.  Stone  club  from  site  9 (?) 389 

10.  Stone  club  from  California ....: 389 

11.  Pestle  from  Weitchpec  on  the  Klamath 389 

12.  Pestle  from  Hupa  valley 389 

13.  Arrow  points  from  site  34 ..  391 

14.  Adze  handle  from  site  99  (?) 391 

15.  Stone  club  from  Scotia 391 

TABLES 

PAGE 

1.  Forest  trees  of  the  Wiyot  territory 394 

2.  Shellmound  samples,  size  of  constituents 395 

3.  Analysis  of  shellmound  samples — from  site  67  395 

4.  Vertebrate  remains — site  67  — ... 1 ...: 396 

5.  Human  remains  and  associated  artifacts — site  67  — ,... 397 

6.  Scattered  artifacts — site  67  398 

7.  Chipped  implements — site  67 | 399 

8.  Sandstone  implements — site  67 400 

9.  Bone  artifacts — site  67 401 

10.  Shell  objects  and  carbonized  articles — site  67 402 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  225 


INTRODUCTION 

California  is  almost  entirely  lacking  in  coastal  plain,  there  being 
only  a half  dozen  places  along  the  entire  coast  from  Oregon  to  Mexico 
where  the  1000-foot  contour  line  is  more  than  ten  miles  inland,  and 
some  of  these  places  are  mere  breaks  in  the  coast  where  rivers  have 
their  outlets.  On  most  of  the  California  coast  the  100-foot  contour 
line  is  practically  the  coast  line  itself,  hence  the  area  occupied  by  low 
plain,  marsh,  or  tide  lands  is  very  restricted. 

The  chief  salt  marsh  and  tide-flat  area  in  California  is  about 
San  Francisco  bay.  Here  there  was  an  abundance  of  mollusks  as  an 
aboriginal  food  supply.  Hence  shellmounds  and  refuse  heaps  are 
very  numerous.  The  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University 
of  California  having  located  about  450  such  archaeological  sites  and 
having  excavated  in  13  (a  partial  report  of  which  is  found  in  several 
papers  of  the  present  series),1  it  was  deemed  best  to  undertake  similar 
work  farther  up  the  coast.  Because  of  the  abrupt  character  of  the 
coast,  the  locality  promising  best  results  appeared  to  be  around  Hum- 
boldt bay,  about  220  miles  up  the  coast  from  San  Francisco.  Accord- 
ingly, from  July  15  to  November  5,  1913,  the  writer  was  engaged  in 
an  archaeological  exploration  of  the  territory  about  this  bay,  and 
around  the  lower  courses  of  Mad  and  Eel  rivers.  About  half  of  the 
time  in  the  field  was  spent  in  excavating  one  of  the  most  prominent 
shellmounds  of  the  region,  situated  on  Gunther  island  in  the  bay 
opposite  Eureka.  The  other  half  of  the  time  was  spent  in  making 
various  trips  by  foot,  by  team,  by  stage,  and  by  rowboat  about  the 
bay  and  the  rivers  mentioned. 

Considerable  information  as  to  former  conditions  was  gathered 
from  pioneers  of  the  region  and  particularly  from  Robert  Gunther, 
the  owner  of  the  island  where  the  excavation  was  made.  The  Indian 
informants  were:  John  Stevens,  who  gave  the  Athapascan  names  of 
the  places  between  Blue  Lake  and  Maple  creek;  Jim  Brock,  of  Blue 
Lake,  who  gave  the  Athapascan  names  of  villages  along  Mad  river 
from  its  mouth  to  Maple  creek;  Tom  Brown  and  Aleck  Sam,  at  the 
mouth  of  Mad  river,  who  gave  the  Wiyot  names  of  places  on  Mad 
river  from  its  mouth  to  Blue  Lake,  as  well  as  several  sites  on  the 

i Max  Uhle,  Emeryville  Shellmound,  1907 ; N.  C.  Nelson,  Shellmounds  of  the 
San  Francisco  Bay  Region,  1909;  N.  C.  Nelson,  Ellis  Landing  Shellmound,  1910: 
present  series,  vn.  E.  W.  Gifford,  Composition  of  California  Shellmounds,  1916, 
present  series  xn. 


226 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 

coast ; and  Dandy  Bill,  an  old  Indian  patriarch,  who  lived  at  Indianola, 
at  the  south  end  of  the  bay.  The  last  named  gave  the  Wiyot  names 
of  places  on  Humboldt  bay,  on  Eel  river  from  its  mouth  to  Scotia, 
and  on  the  coast  from  Trinidad  Head  to  Cape  Mendocino,  as  well  as 
considerable  history  and  general  information  concerning  his  people. 

While  the  manuscript  as  a whole  was  read  and  criticized  by  Pro- 
fessor A.  L.  Kroeber,  the  writer  submitted  to  authorities  in  various 
branches  of  learning  those  portions  of  his  manuscript  dealing  with 
sciences  other  than  anthropology,  and  in  this  connection  wishes  to 
acknowledge  his  obligations  to  the  following  persons  for  their  criti- 
cism: W.  L.  Jepson,  Professor  of  botany;  Joseph  Grinnell,  Professor 
of  Zoology  ; B.  L.  Clark,  Conchologist ; J.  C.  Merriam,  Professor  of 
palaeontology  and  geology;  H.  E.  Bolton,  Professor  of  American  his- 
tory; and  0.  C.  Coy,  Secretary  of  the  California  Historical  Survey 
Commission. 

The  writer  also  wishes  to  acknowledge  his  obligation  to  Dr.  A.  L. 
Kroeber  and  to  Dr.  T.  T.  Waterman  for  their  courtesy  in  allowing 
him  to  make  use  of  manuscript  lists  of  geographical  names  which 
they  had  previously  obtained.  These  lists  of  names  together  with 
notes  will  be  found  appended  to  the  lists  of  geographical  names  ob- 
tained by  the  writer. 


ENVIRONMENT  OP  HUMBOLDT  BAY  REGION 
PHYSIOGRAPHY 

Humboldt  bay  is  fourteen  miles  long  and  from  half  a mile  to  three 
and  one-half  miles  wide.  It  is  separated  from  the  ocean  by  a sand- 
dune  ridge,  having  a width  of  a quarter  of  a mile  to  one  mile. 
This  dune  reaches  in  places  an  elevation  of  85  feet.  The  channels  in 
the  bay  are  quite  narrow,  but  in  places  are  50  feet  deep,  and  maintain 
depths  of  10  to  20  feet  at  low  tide  clear  to  the  very  extremities  of  the 
bay.  With  the  exception  of  these  narrow  channels,  the  bay  is  only 
3 to  5 feet  deep  at  low  tide,  and  exhibits  extensive  mud  flats  (pis.  1, 
2,  and  3). 

The  largest  marsh  areas  are  to  the  northeast,  up  Eureka  slough, 
and  to  the  southeast,  up  Hookton  slough  and  Salmon  creek.  At  the 
north  end  of  the  bay  a marshy  area  connects  with  Mad  river,  which 
in  times  past  undoubtedly  had  two  or  more  outlets,  one  channel  lead- 
ing direct  to  the  ocean,  the  other  channel  passing  into  and  through 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  227 

Humboldt  bay.  It  is  likely  that  there  was  always  one  channel  direct 
to  the  sea,  because  if.  there  had  once  been  an  interruption  in  the  flow 
of  the  stream,  sand-dunes  would  soon  have  piled  to  a sufficient  height 
to  block  the  flow  in  that  direction.  Mad  River  slough  nearly  connects 
with  the  river,  and  in  early  days  lumbermen  finished  the  connection 
so  as  to  float  logs  from  the  river  into  the  bay.  There  might  also  have 
been  a connection  at  one  time  with  the  bay  by  way  of  Daniels  slough, 
near  Areata. 

Between  Mad  and  Little  rivers  there  is  a plateau  of  over  100  feet 
elevation.  The  edges  of  this  plateau  form  a steep  bluff  close  to  Mad 
river,  and  less  than  half  a mile  from  the  ocean.  Plate  5,  figure  1 
shows  the  mouth  of  Little  river,  and  the  more  rugged  character  of  the 
coast  for  three  miles  to  the  northward.  In  the  center  of  the  picture 
is  shown  Little  River  Rock,  120  feet  elevation ; to  the  left  in  the  dis- 
tance is  Pilot  Rock,  103  feet  elevation,  and  in  the  background  is 
Trinidad  Head,  380  feet  elevation.  At  the  mouth  of  Little  river  the 
change  from  an  abrupt  rocky  coast  to  a sandy  beach  and  sand-dunes 
is  very  marked.  To  the  left  of  the  picture  is  seen  the  sandy  beach, 
which  extends  southward  uninterruptedly  nearly  to  Cape  Fortunas. 
Plate  8,  figure  1,  and  plate  10  show  the  character  of  the  sand-dunes 
to  the  south  of  Mad  river. 

Between  the  mouth  of  Little  river  and  Cape  Fortunas,  as  well  as 
on  the  shore  of  the  bay,  there  are  no  rocks  suitable  for  the  attachment 
of  mussels,  though  there  used  to  be  many  redwood  logs  in  the  bay  to 
which  the  small  mussel,  Mytilus  edulis,  could  attach.  The  large  rock 
mussel,  Mytilus  aalifornianus , is  abundant  north  of  Little  river,  and 
also  about  Cape  Fortunas,  off  which  are  numerous  rocks. 

Between  Eureka  and  Salmon  creek  there  are  bluffs  twenty  feet 
high  or  more.  Some  of  the  Indian  village  sites  were  on  top  of  the 
bluffs,  and  some  on  the  lowlands.  Red  Bluff,  100  feet  in  elevation, 
made  the  discovery  of  the  entrance  to  the  bay  from  any  ship  impos- 
sible, being  situated,  as  it  is,  directly  back  of  the  opening  in  the  sand- 
dune  ridge,  thus  making  the  shore  line  appear  continuous  at  a little 
distance.  To  the  southeast  of  the  bay,  Humboldt  hill  rises  direct  from 
the* shore  to  an  elevation  of  600  feet  (pi.  5,  fig.  2).  The  south  end  of 
the  bay  is  separated  from  the  delta  of  Eel  river  by  a small  plateau, 
Table  Bluff,  165  feet  in  elevation. 

Eel  river  delta  has  a frontage  on  the  ocean  of  eight  miles  and 
stretches  inland  eight  or  ten  miles,  tidewater  reaching  as  far  as 
Fortuna.  Here  the  course  of  the  river  had  been  so  erratic  that  the 


228 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Indian  village  sites  could  not  be  located  with  any  degree  of  accuracy. 
The  delta,  triangular  in  shape,  is  bordered  by  steep  hills,  the  position 
of  which  can  be  judged  from  the  map  (pi.  1)  by  the  position  of  the 
three  towns,  Loleta,  Ferndale,  and  Fortuna,  all  of  which  lie  at  the 
base  of  the  hills. 

It  will  be  readily  understood  that  the  area  of  lowland  and  marsh 
is  rather  restricted,  when  we  learn  that  the  distance  between  the  mouth 
of  Mad  river  and  the  southern  edge  of  the  Eel  river  delta  is  only 
twenty-seven  miles.  This  area  is  shut  in  on  all  sides  by  mountain 
ridges  rising  to  an  elevation  of  over  3000  feet,  and  sweeping  around 
in  a semicircle  from  Trinidad  Head  to  Cape  Mendocino,  fifteen  miles 
south  of  Eel  river,  where  the  1000-foot  contour  line  is  within  half  a 
mile  of  the  coast. 


FOREST 

This  encircling  mountain  ridge  would  act,  to  a considerable  extent, 
as  a barrier  in  keeping  separate  peoples  apart,  but  of  much  greater 
importance  would  be  the  barriers  of  vegetation.  The  chief  forest  tree 
is  the  coast  redwood,  Sequoia  sempervirens t which  is  found  only 
within  reach  of  the  ocean  fogs,  or  inland  for  a distance  of  about  thirty- 
five  miles  at  most.  The  eastern  boundary  of  the  redwood  belt  is  shown 
on  the  map  (pi.  1).  Professor  Jepson  says  of  this  tree:2 

It  is  the  tallest  tree  on  the  American  continent.  In  the  forests  near  Scotia,  a 
tree  662  years  old  . . . had  a trunk  diameter  of  10  ft.  5 in.,  at  6 ft.  above  the 
ground,  and  was  340  ft.  in  height.  Trunks  from  15  to  20  ft.  in  diameter  are  not 
uncommon  in  that  region. 

The  first  land  party,  coming  from  the  Sacramento  valley  by  way 
of  the  Trinity  mines,  reaching  the  coast  just  a little  south  of  Little 
river  December  16,  1849,  describes  the  journey  through  the  forest 
as  follows  :3 

Through  this  forest  we  could  not  travel  to  exceed  two  miles  a day.  The  reason 
of  this  was  the  immense  quantity  of  fallen  timber  that  lay  upon  the  ground  in 
every  conceivable  shape  and  direction,  and  in  very  many  instances  one  piled  upon 

2 W.  L.  Jepson,  Flora  of  Western  Middle  California  (Berkeley,  Encina  Publ. 
Co.,  1901),  p.  24.  For  the  largest  tree  known  see  W.  W.  Elliott  & Co.,  History  of 
Humboldt  County,  California  (San  Francisco,  1881),  p.  141,  referring  to  Hutchings ’ 
California  Magazine,  1856.  This  was  a hollow  tree  measuring  thirty-three  feet 
in  diameter/  situated  near  where  the  early  trail  from  Trinidad  to  the  Klamath 
mines  crossed  Redwood  creek.  It  was  frequently  used  as  a shelter  by  parties 
composing  pack-trains. 

3 The  Discovery  of  Humboldt  Bay,  a narrative  by  L.  K.  Wood,  first  published 
in  Humboldt  Times,  1856,  revised  and  republished  1872  (?)  in  West  Coast  Signal, 
republished  in  W.  W.  Elliott  & Co.,  History  of  Humboldt  County,  California  (San 
Francisco,  1881),  pp.  83-95. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  229 

another  so  that  the  only  alternative  left  us  was  literally  to  cut  our  way  through. 
To  go  around  them  was  often  as  impossible  as  to  go  over  them.  We  were  obliged, 
therefore,  constantly  to  keep  two  men  ahead  with  axes,  who,  as  occasion  required, 
would  chop  into  and  slab  off  sufficient  to  construct  a sort  of  platform  by  means 
of  which  the  animals  were  driven  upon  the  log  and  forced  to  jump  off  on  the 
opposite  side.  There  was  not  the  least  sign  indicative  of  the  presence  of  any  of 
the  animal  creation;  indeed  it  was  almost  as  impenetrable  for  them  as  for  us, 
and  doubtless  was  never  resorted  to  save  for  purposes  of  shelter. 

Some  idea  of  the  density  of  these  forests  can  be  gained  when  we 
learn  that  single  acres  have  yielded  as  high  as  1,300,000  board  feet  of 
lumber,  while  other  claims  have  been  made  that  two  and  a half  million 
board  feet  stand  on  some  acres.4  This  is  equivalent,  in  the  first 
instance,  after  all  the  waste  of  cutting  and  manufacture,  to  a solid 
layer  of  wood  evenly  spread  over  an  acre  of  ground  to  a depth  of 
thirty  inches  in  thickness,  or  in  the  second  instance,  to  a depth  of 
fifty-seven  inches. 

Associated  with  the  redwood  is  not  over  twenty-five  per  cent  mix- 
ture of  Douglas  spruce,  tideland  spruce,  coast  hemlock,  red  cedar,  and 
tan  oak.  On  the  top  of  the  ridges  to  the  east  of  the  redwood  belt  lies 
a second  timber  belt  composed  of  tan  oak,  black  oak,  Oregon  oak, 
madrona,  California  chestnut,  California  laurel,  and  yellow  pine. 
The  North  Spit  for  about  half  of  its  width  is  occupied  by  sand-dunes 
without  any  trees  or  shrubs,  but  there  is  a strip  next  the  bay  with 
shrubs  and  beach  or  scrub  pine. 

W.  L.  Jepson,  in  his  memoir  on  the  Silva  of  California,  describes 
ninety-two  species  of  trees  in  the  state,  which  he  divides  into  five  forest 
provinces,  the  North  Coast  Range  province  having  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  species,  namely,  fifty-nine.  This  is  the  chief  forest  area  of 
the  state  because  of  the  greater  rainfall,  and  the  species  are  numer- 
ous because  of  the  mingling  here  of  the  typically  Californian  forms 
and  the  northern  coast  forms.  Many  of  the  species  reach  their  great- 
est dimensions  in  the  North  Coast  province,  though  others  grow 
to  larger  size  in  Oregon  and  Washington.  Table  1 at  the  end  of  this 
paper  shows  the  great  variety  of  species  found  in  the  territory  under 
consideration,  that  is,  in  the  territory  within  the  limits  of  the  map, 
plate  1.  A few  of  the  species  included  in  the  table  may  not  be 
very  common,  but  on  the  other  hand  the  writer  may  have  left  out 
two  or  three  which  should  be  included.  A perusal  of  the  table,  with 
a note  of  the  size  to  which  the  several  species  grow,  will  show  most 
conclusively  that  the  Wiyot  Indians  lived  in  a true  forest  environ- 


4 W.  L.  Jepson,  Silva  of  California,  Mem.  Univ.  Calif.,  n,  131,  1910. 


230 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.,14 


ment— -a  forest  not  to  be  excelled  outside  of  the  tropics.  Even  plants, 
which  in  other  climates  are  mere  bushes,  here  become  trees  of  con- 
siderable size. 


PRAIRIE 

Within  the  forests,  at  all  elevations  from  sea  level  to  the  top  of  the 
ridges,  there  were  small  open  patches,  known  locally  as  ‘ ‘ prairies,  ’ ’ 
producing  grass,  ferns,  and  various  small  plants.  These  prairies  are 
too  numerous  to  mention  in  detail.  A few  of  the  more  important  are 
located  on  the  map.  Most  of  these  patches  if  left  to  themselves  would 
doubtless  soon  have  produced  forests,  but  the  Indians  were  accus- 
tomed to  burn  them  annually  so  as  to  gather  various  seeds,  especially 
a species  of  sunflower,5  probably  Wyethia  longicaulis.  The  statement 
of  Professor  Jepson6  that  “there  is  today  more  wooded  area  in  Hum- 
boldt County  than  when  the  white  man  came  over  a half  century 
since,  ” was  confirmed  by  reports  made  to  the  writer  that  some  of 
the  old  prairies  had  come  up  to  young  growth  of  forest. 

These  prairies  were  of  incalculable  value  to  the  Indians,  not  alone 
for  their  vegetable  products,  but  also  for  the  game  found  upon  them. 
A sharp  contrast  is  drawn  between  the  animal  life  in  the  forests  and 
on  these  prairies,  in  the  accounts  of  the  exploration  party  previously 
mentioned.7  At  one  time  the  party  fasted  three  days  and  lost  two 
pack  mules  by  hunger  and  exhaustion,  before  they  came  to  a prairie 
stocked  with  game  and  grass.  From  there  they  went  on  for  ten  days 
without  “the  sight  of  any  living  thing  that  could  be  made  available 
or  useful  for  food.”  Then  ascending  a rocky  eminence  they  reached 
another  prairie  where  they  saw  ‘ ‘ on  one  side . . . little  knots  of  deer, 
on  another  and  nearer ...  a large  herd  of  elk,  and  still  in  another 
direction  both. ! 7 Before  reaching  any  of  this  game  they  met  and  shot 
five  grizzly  bears. 


INDIAN  TRAILS 

One  of  the  men  in  the  above  mentioned  party  and  several  of  the 
mules  starved  to  death  before  the  trip  ended,  but  the  Indians  were 
better  acquainted  with  the  location  of  these  oases,  as  it  were,  in  the 

5 George  Gibbs,  Journal  of  the  expedition  of  R.  McKee  from  Sonoma  to  the 
Klamath  river  in  1851,  in  H.  R.  Schoolcraft,  Indian  Tribes,  ill,  127,  1852,  pub- 
lished by  authority  of  Congress,  1860. 

e W.  L.  Jepson,  Silva  of  California,  op.  cit.,  p.  16. 

7 L.  K.  Wood,  op.  cit.,  pp.  86-87. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  231 

midst  of  desolation,  and  they  maintained  regular  trails  between  them. 
A few  of  the  trails  are  located  on  the  map,  plate  1.  The  principal  ones 
are  as  follows: 

1. *  From  the  mouth  of  Mad  river  down  the  coast  and  down  the  North  Spit  to 
site  23,  where  visitors  to  Gunther  island  would  shout  or  build  a fire  to  attract 
attention  so  that  a boat  would  come  for  them. 

2.  From  the  mouth  of  Mad  river  to  Areata  Prairie;  thence  around  the  marsh 
on  the  east  side  of  the  bay  to  site  an  on  Eureka  slough;  thence  over  the  hills  to 
the  rear  of  Eureka  direct  to  site  73;  thence  down  the  east  side  of  the  bay  and  up 
Salmon  creek,  crossing  it  just  below  site  91;  and  then  continuing  southward  to 
Eel  river  near  Fortuna.  This  is  the  trail  over  which  the  Indians  guided  the  party 
of  L.  K.  Wood.  That  portion,  at  least,  extending  from  Salmon  creek  to  Eel  river 
was  called  wozlok.s 

3.  Beginning  on  Mad  river  two  or  three  miles  below  Blue  Lake  and  extending 
to  Bedwood  creek.  Name,  tatekwowok. 

4.  From  Blue  Lake,  site  Y,  to  Liscom  hill. 

5.  From  Blue  Lake  to  Bald  mountain,  passing  the  ‘‘arrow  tree,”  site  ah. 

6.  From  Mad  river,  site  ak,  to  Boynton  Prairie. 

7.  Up  Jacoby  creek  to  Boynton  Prairie. 

8.  From  Jacoby  creek  to  Blue  Lake. 

9.  From  Eureka  slough,  site  am,  to  Kneeland  Prairie. 

10.  From  the  head  of  canoe  navigation  on  Elk  river  to  Kneeland  Prairie. 

11.  From  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  site  112,  following  the  bay  shore  down 
the  South  Spit  to  site  109 ; thence  crossing  over  to  the  ocean  beach  and  following 
that  southward  to  Table  Bluff ; then  following  the  ridge  of  Table  Bluff  in  a south- 
easterly direction  ending  at  site  aw  on  Eel  river.  The  name  of  this  trail  was 
laloeka  or  lalowoka.  It  had  five  branch  trails  connecting  with  the  chief  villages 
at  the  south  end  of  the  bay. 

12.  From  site  100,  yawonawok,  to  the  main  trail  on  top  of  Table  Bluff.  The 
name  of  this  trail  was  yawonawok-holowoL.  The  word  holowoL  seems  to  be  a com- 
pound from  ho’l,  “water,7’  and  woLel,  “trail.” 

13.  From  site  90,  toktowoka,  to  the  main  trail  along  the  ridge.  Name, 
toktowoka-holowoL. 

ETHNOBOTANY 

As  the  writer  devoted  his  main  inquiry  to  the  location  of  village 
sites  and  facts  regarding  them,  he  did  not  have  a great  amount  of 
time  to  spend  in  the  study  of  ethnobotany,  however  desirable  that 
might  have  been.  Nevertheless,  he  noted  a few  of  the  more  useful 
plant  species  and  obtained  their  Wiyot  or  Athapascan  names.  Other 
Wiyot  names,  those  in  parentheses,  are  taken  from  A.  L.  Kroeber’s 
“The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  North  of  San  Francisco.”8 9 

8 For  orthography  of  Indian  names  obtained  by  the  writer  see  introductory 
remarks  preceding  the  Lists  of  Geographical  Names. 

9 A.  L.  Kroeber,  present*  series,  ix,  409,  1911.  A more  specific  account  of  the 
ethnobotany  of  the  region  eighty  miles  southeast  of  Humboldt  bay  can  be  found 
in  V.  K.  Chesnut,  Plants  Used  by  the  Indians  of  Mendocino  County,  U.  S.  National 
Herbarium  Contributions,  vn,  1902. 


232 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Wiyot  Plant  Names  and  Uses 

Trees 

Bedwood,  mopel  (wopL). 

Pine  (mukweti). 

Spruce,  two  species,  tok,  wonok  (dak,  dap). 

Willow  (tigeL). 

Alder  (wit). 

Berries 

Currant,  Bibes  sanguineum. 

Blackberry,  Bubus  vitifolms  (mip). 

Thimbleberry,  Bubus  parviflorus  (kiwatchokwere). 

Salmon-berry,  Bubus  menziesii  (we ’taw). 

Sand  Strawberry,  Fragaria  chilensis. 

Salal-berry,  Gaultheria  shallon  (mikwel). 

Sand-berry,  Arctostaphylos  uva-ursi,  shogowi. 

Huckleberry,  Vaccinium  ovatum  (mo’kel). 

Bed  Bilberry,  Vaccinwm  parvifolium. 

Seeds 

Wild  oats,  Avena  sp.  (rakwiyidag*  eral) . 

Sunflower,  Wyethia  longicaulis  (?). 

Other  edible  seeds  (ecerawen,  mokerits,  raladetlien,  Lokai). 

Edible  Herbs 

Clover,  Trifolium  sp.,  rokoiyi. 

Sweet  anise,  Carum  Tcelloggii , siswileatkok. 

Other  edible  herbs,  wau. 

Edible  Boots 

Indian  1 ‘potato,”  Brodiaea  coronaria,  topoderos  (boderuc). 

Other  edible  roots  (weL,  blokat,  bokitchere,  rapcaue). 

Other  Plants  of  Value 
Soap-root,  Chlorogalum  pomeridianum  (katsera). 

Fern,  Woodwardia  sp.  (tigwametsha-weL). 

Squaw-grass,  Xerophyllum  tenax  (himene-weL). 

Tule,  Scirpus  sp.  (sopitk). 

Hazel,  Corylus  rostrata  (legoLes-weL). 

Viburnum,  Viburnum  ellipticum. 

Iris,  Iris  macrosiphon. 

Tobacco,  Nicotiana  sp. 

The  redwood  was  indispensable  to  the  modern  Indians.  Without 
it  their  culture  would  have  been  altogether  different,  but  with  it  their 
culture  is  remarkably  similar  in  many  respects  to  that  of  the  coast 
from  Oregon  to  Alaska,  where  cedar  is  used,  both  woods  being  similar 
in  texture  and  easily  worked  with  primitive  tools.  Cedar  though 
present  on  Wiyot  territory,  is  not  abundant  enough  for  the  purposes 
for  which  a soft  wood  is  needed.  With  elk-horn  wedges,  planks  10  to 
16  feet  long  and  2 to  5 feet  wide  were  split  out  for  house  building, 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyoi  Territory  233 

the  planks  being  sometimes  put  on  end  and  sometimes  on  edge. 
Numerous  inquiries  were  made  of  the  pioneers  as  to  the  size  of  these 
houses  and  all  the  answers  were  remarkably  uniform,  some  estimating 
the  size  to  be  10  to  14  feet  long,  others  12  to  16  feet  long.  They  were 
usually  nearly  square,  but  had  some  variation  in  different  villages, 
which  will  he  noted  later. 

A second  important  use  to  which  redwood  was  put  was  in  canoe 
making.  A good  sized  canoe  would  be  18  feet  long  and  4 feet  wide. 
It  was  made  from  a log  by  being  hollowed  out  with  fire.  This 
work  was  done  a little  at  a time  during  the  evenings  so  as  to  drive 
away  mosquitoes.  In  former  days,  when  there  was  a considerable 
Indian  population  on  Eel  river,  these  lights,  as  seen  from  a distance, 
were  very  numerous  along  the  river.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
the  Wiyot  name  for  boat  is  not  a simple  root  but  a compound, 
hol-owi,  “water-go.”  With  the  exception  of  the  Sinkyone  and  the 
Indians  of  the  Santa  Barbara  islands,  none  of  the  Indians  of  Cali- 
fornia to  the  south  of  the  Wiyot  had  canoes,  but  used  tule  rafts10 
instead,  while  all  the  tribes  to  the  north  had  canoes  which  they  used 
not  alone  on  lakes,  rivers,  and  bays,  but  on  the  ocean  as  well. 

The  digger  pine,  Finns  sabiniana,  though  not  so  abundant  as 
other  trees  in  the  Wiyot  area,  was  found  on  the  eastern  border  of  the 
redwood  belt.  It  furnished  nuts  both  for  food  and  for  making  beads 
used  in  decorating  the  skirts  of  women.  Both  pine  nut  beads  and 
beads  made  from  small  nutlets  of  Viburnum  were  found  in  a carbon- 
ized condition  while  excavating  in  a shellmound.  Hazelnuts  and 
acorns  were  obtained  in  large  quantities  on  the  ridges  to  the  east  of 
the  redwood  belt,  though  perhaps  acorns  were  a somewhat  less  impor- 
tant food  than  in  other  parts  of  the  state. 

The  huckleberry  was  the  most  important  of  the  numerous  berries, 
and  at  certain  seasons  the  Indians  established  camps  to  gather  it  on 
the  North  Spit,  where  the  plant  developed  to  greatest  perfection. 
Strawberries  were  formerly  much  more  plentiful  than  at  present, 
especially  on  the  sand-dunes  between  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  and 
the  mouth  of  Eel  river.  The  sand-berry  or  bearberry,  a rather  dry 

io  For  canoes  among  the  Sinkyone,  and  tule  rafts  on  Clear  lake,  see  George 
Gibbs,  op.  cit.,  pp.  107,  125.  For  canoes  on  Trinidad  bay  see  below  under  Early 
Voyages.  ' Stephen  Powers,  Tribes  of  California,  Contrib.  N.  Am.  Ethn.,  hi, 
48,  1877,  gives  what  is  to  say  the  least  a somewhat  exaggerated  description  of  the 
canoes  on  Klamath  river  which  are  practically  identical  with  the  Wiyot  canoe. 
He  says  that  the  Indians  would  take  a large  canoe  carrying  five  tons  of  dried 
fish  shoot  the  dangerous  rapids  and  the  surf  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  then  go 
twenty-two  miles  up  the  coast  to  Crescent  City,  where  the  fish  were  exchanged 
for  a boatload  of  merchandise. 


234  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.  [VqI.  14 

drupe  belonging  to  the  heath  family,  was  eaten  after  being  cooked. 
The  berries,  together  with  hot  coals,  were  put  in  a basket  and  shaken 
until  nearly  ready  to  pop.  They  were  not  allowed  to  burst  because 
then  too  much  of  the  starchlike  pulp  would  be  wasted. 

Various  seeds  of  grasses,  Compositae,  etc.,  were  obtained  from  the 
prairies,  as  previously  stated.  These  were  ground  into  flour,  which 
was  cooked  in  the  form  of  soup  or  porridge.  They  were  also  eaten 
dry,  after  being  parched. 

The  blossoms  and  leaves  from  several  species  of  clover  were  eaten 
raw.  The  stalks  of  sweet  anise,  a species  of  parsley,  were  also  eaten 
raw  after  the  skin  was  removed.  This  plant  was  abundant  on  Areata 
Prairie  and  was  called  siswileatkok11  because  it  made  the  lips  black, 
siswa. 

Various  roots  and  bulbs  were  used  for  food,  of  which  one  of  the 
most  desirable  was  that  of  Brodiaea  coronaria,  a blue-flowered,  onion- 
like plant  called  “Indian  potato”  or  topoderds.  This  was  important 
enough  as  a food  product  of  the  prairie  to  the  north  of  Mad  river,  to 
give  its  name  to  Lindsey  creek  and  to  a camp  site  near  its  head  where 
many  of  the  corms  were  gathered  at  certain  seasons. 

Fish  nets  and  rope,  for  snaring  game  such  as  elk  and  bear  as  well 
as  smaller  animals,  were  made  from  the  fiber  of  iris  leaves.12  A spe- 
cies of  tobacco  native  to  California  was  the  only  plant  cultivated, 
and  has  been  mentioned  in  the  Spanish  account  of  the  discovery  of 
Trinidad  bay.13 

Athapascan  Plant  Names 

Several  plants  and  trees  found  in  Wiyot  territory  were  mentioned 
by  the  Athapascan  informants  living  at  Blue  Lake.  They  are  as 
follows : 

Pine,  Pinus  ponderosa,  djemewhung. 

Redwood,  Sequoia  sempervirens,  khokwo. 

1 1 Dark  wood,  4 inches  in  diameter,  ’ ’ dama. 

Brush,  t et. 

“Wild  Potato,”  Brodiaea  (?)  sp.,  kos. 

Wild  oats,  Arena  sp.,  kloka’. 

Nettle,  Urtica  lyallii  (?),  holchek. 

Edible  “grass,”  honsisaliwheh. 

Edible  fern  roots,  Pteridium  aquilinum  ( ? ) , tachenka 

Another  fern,  djemashun. 

11  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xxi,  38,  1908,  says  that  the  root  of 
sisuloiyatgaMl  was  used  for  purification  after  handling  the  dead. 

12  P.  E.  Goddard,  Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  present  series,  i,  35,  1903. 

is  See  description  of  tobacco  and  tobacco  pipes  under  the  heading,  Objects  of 
Steatite  and  Slate. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  235 

The  name  Konsisaliwheh  was  given  as  that  of  “a  kind  of  grass  that 
Indians  eat,  ’ ’ a plant  growing  three  feet  high  and  especially  abundant 
near  site  b.  It  is  possibly  the  same  plant  that  the  Wiyot  call  sis- 
wileatkok,  a species  of  parsley,  Carum  kelloggii.  The  “wild  potato, ” 
kos,  was  described  as  being  dug  from  wet  and  marshy  ground  and 
washed  in  a “lake”  at  site  d,  kos-tenaiete-ten.  Nettle,  which  has  a 
medicine  in  its  roots,  furnished  the  name  for  site  f.  In  like  manner 
wild  oats,  the  two  species  of  ferns,  and  ‘ ‘ dark  wood,  ’ ’ furnish  the 
names  for  sites  k,  s,  i,  and  v,  respectively,  while  Maple  creek  was 
named,  djemetawhot,  after  the  pine  trees,  djemeivhung,  growing  there. 

FAUNA 

Animal  bones  were  obtained  by  excavation  in  site  67  at  various 
depths  to  nine  feet.  During  the  excavation  an  impression  was  gained 
that,  compared  with  at  least  some  of  the  mounds  at  San  Francisco 
bay,  there  were  relatively  fewer  mammal  bones,  more  fish  bones,  and 
far  more  bird  bones,  perhaps  twice  as  many.  The  observations  were 
made  from  appearances  only  and  not  by  any  method  of  measuring. 
Later,  when  an  analysis  of  the  mound  composition  was  attempted, 
the  figures  obtained  seemed  to  be  in  harmony  with  this  judgment. 
However,  as  the  analysis  itself  (see  table  3 and  the  section  on  Com- 
position of  the  Mound)  is  more  or  less  faulty,  too  much  reliance 
should  not  be  placed  in  these  statements. 

Mammals 

Owing  both  to  the  fragmentary  condition  of  the  mammal  bones 
and  the  lack  of  comparative  material,  some  of  the  bones  cannot  be 
positively  identified.  Only  five  species  were  recognized,  and  these 
seem  to  occur  at  all  depths  in  about  the  same  proportions.  They  are 
given  in  the  order  of  their  abundance. 

Roosevelt  wapiti  or  “elk,”  Cervus  roosevelti. 

Pacific  harbor  seal,  Phoca  richardi. 

Steller  sea-lion,  Eumetopias  stelleri. 

Cetaceans,  indet. 

Black-tailed  deer,  Odocoileus  columbianus. 

Sea-otter,  Latax  lutris. 

Quite  a few  bones  were  gathered  on  sites  10,  11,  and  12,  including 
elk,  seal,  sea-lion,  whale,  and  sea-otter  bones.  Owing  to  the  lack 
of  mammal  remains  in  the  shellmounds,  we  can  do  no  better  than  to 
take  a list  of  the  animals  of  the  region  obtained  from  Wiyot  inform- 


236 


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ants.14  To  this  list  we  add  the  scientific  names  of  the  species  to  which 
they  should  probably  be  referred.15 

Cetacea 

Killer-whale,  Orcinus  rectipinna  or  0.  ater,  delabeliL.is 
Whales,  sp.  indet.,  kimak,  dayugele. 

Porpoise,  Phocaena  phocaena,  kerawagatkari. 

Cervidae 

“Elk, ” Cervus  roosevelti,  me’lakw. 

Deer,  Odocoileus  columbianus,  haLakw,  hdlakw.i? 

Pinnipedia 

Seal,  Phoca  richardi,  matswaptsire. 

Sea-lion,  Eumetopias  stelleri , gumayoliL. 

Felidae 

Panther,  Felis  oregonensis,  datgacanilL,  datkaLaniL. 

Wild-cat,  Lynx  fasciatus,  datsgagererar. 

Canid  ae 

Coyote,  Canis  ochropus,  witskererar,  wltkaL. 

Wolf,  Canis  gig  as,  rakwuLiriL. 

Dog,  Canis  familiaris,  waiyits,  waiyets. 

Fox,  Urocyon  cinereoargenteus,  hallkwiliL. 

Procyonidae 

“ Civet-cat,  ’ ’ Bassariscus  astutus  raptor,  tcigereLariL. 

Eaccoon,  Procyon  psora  pacifica,  ra’raweic,  tcweLig‘ atcatci. 

Ursidae 

Bear,  Ursus  americanus,  tsetsgeruLigerer. 

Grizzly,  Ursus  horribilis,  makw,  kanapeliL.is 

Mustelidae 

Otter,  Lutra  canadensis  pacifica,  sekseswiL. 

Sea-otter,  Latax  lutris  nereis,  da’kere. 

Skunk,  Mephitis  occidentalis,  botewi,  butciwi.19 
Fisher,  Martes  pennanti  pacifica,  dikwagawi.20 
Mink,  Mustela  vison  energumenos,  gd’miri. 

Weasel,  Mustela  xanthogenys  munda,  tsugatLaiugoner. 

Eodentia 

Chipmunk,  Eutamias  townsendi  ochrogenys,  seles,  becduliL. 

Gray  squirrel,  Sciurus  griseus,  wit ’hot. 

Gopher,  Thomomys  bottae  laticeps,  yacucagatck. 

Hare,  Sylvilagus  bachmani. 

Wood-rat,  Neotoma  sp.,  Letc. 

Wood-mouse,  sp.,  indet.,  tseretshigarer. 

A.  L.  Krober,  present  series,  ix,  407,  1911. 
is  Joseph  Grinnell,  Distributional  List  of  Mammals  of  California,  Proc.  Cal. 
Acad.  Sci.,  ser.  4,  hi,  1913. 
is  Bel,  to  catch  fish. 
i7  Bo’l-akw,  water-at. 
is  Kanap-el-ih,  biter. 

19  Cawet,  white. 

20  DiJcwa,  poison. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  237 

In  early  days  it  was  said  to  be  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  herds  of 
forty  and  fifty  elk.  In  1850  a herd,  judged  to  contain  five  hundred, 
was  said  to  have  been  seen  near  Crescent  City.  Other  game  was 
also  plentiful,  but  all  accounts  speak  of  the  Wiyot  as  very  indifferent 
hunters : “not  very  expert  with  the  bow,  and  it  is  not  considered  a 
dangerous  weapon  in  their  hands  at  the  distance  of  fifty  yards.”21 
However,  they  somewhat  made  up  for  their  inexpertness  with  the  bow 
by  their  ability  as  trappers.  With  iris  fiber  ropes  they  snared  deer, 
elk,  bear,  and  panther,  though  the  bear  and  panther  sometimes  chewed 
the  rope  and  got  away.  If  they  caught  a grizzly  after  the  arrival  of 
the  whites,  they  usually  let  them  do  the  killing  rather  than  venture 
to  do  it  themselves. 

Birds 

Water  fowl  are  still  numerous  enough  to  make  excellent  hunting 
in  season,  and  formerly  they  were  very  abundant,  as  is  evident  both 
by  report  and  by  the  quantities  of  bones  found  in  excavation  of 
mounds  and  refuse  heaps.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  identify 
the  species  to  which  these  should  be  referred,  but  it  is  reported  that 
the  most  common  were : ducks,  geese,  brant,  curlew,  mud-hen,  swan, 
crane,  pelican,  gull,  and  cormorant.  Other  birds  were  eagle,  bald 
eagle,  condor,  buzzard,  hawk,  crow,  raven,  blackbird,  blue  jay,  king- 
fisher, woodpecker,  robin,  and  “turtle”  dove.  There  were  such  large 
flocks  of  the  last  near  Little  river  that  the  Spanish  explorer  Bodega 
named  it  Rio  de  las  Tortolas. 

Fish 

The  fish  of  this  region  include  salmon,  crooked  nose  salmon,  steel- 
head,  trout,  bass,  lamprey-eel,  herring,  halibut,  smelt,  sardine, 
flounder,  rock  cod,  shark,  dogfish,  stingray,  and  sturgeon.  Jim  Brock, 
a half  Wiyot,  half  Chilula  Indian,  of  Blue  Lake,  stated  that  when  he 
was  a boy  they  used  to  eat  more  fish  than  elk  or  deer,  and  lower  down 
the  river  the  proportion  of  fish  eaten  would  doubtless  be  greater  than 
at  Blue  Lake.  The  statement  is  made  by  a white  man  that  “you 
could  load  wagons  with  salmon  that  got  stalled  on  Mad  river.  I 
heard  a man  report  once  that  he  was  afraid  to  drive  a horse  across 
Mad  river  the  salmon  ran  so  thick.  At  the  little  sloughs  near  Areata 
you  could  get  salmon  with  pitch-forks  and  fork  them  on  to  the  bank.  ’ ’ 

21 R.  C.  Buchanan,  Number,  characteristics,  etc.,  of  Indians  of  California, 
Oregon  and  Washington;  report  dated  Aug.  1,  1853,  34  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial 
no.  906,  doc.  76,  p.  24. 


238 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

Whether  the  reader  is  inclined  to  take  this  as  literally  correct,  a true 
fish  story,  or  as  a figure  of  rhetoric,  makes  little  difference.  If  we 
ourselves  had  been  present  at  some  of  the  runs  in  those  days  we  would 
doubtless  have  been  led  to  use  equally  expressive  language.  Though 
salmon  was  the  chief  food  fish,  sturgeon  was  important  enough  to 
furnish  the  Athapascan  name  for  site  j,  klokwo'-sesko-ten,  “sturgeon- 
?-place.  ’ ’22  Here  there  was  shallow  water  where  the  Indians  lined  up 
and  speared  the  fish  as  they  passed. 

Eel  river,  being  the  fourth  largest  river  in  California,  was  an 
excellent  stream  for  fishing,  and  here  was  gathered  the  bulk  of  the 
Wiyot  population.  The  river  was  named  by  the  whites  from  the 
abundance  of  lamprey-eel  which  furnished  a supply  of  food  to  the 
starving  party  of  explorers  with  L.  K.  Wood.  The  first  salmon  can- 
nery on  Eel  river  was  established  in  1853  by  Dungan  & Denman, 
and  by  1858  half  of  the  salmon  packed  in  the  state  came  from  this 
river.  In  the  early  part  of  the  fall  fishing  season  of  1859  the  news- 
papers23 report  that  eight  companies,  all  within  four  miles  of  the 
mouth,  employing  one  hundred  men,  had  already  caught  over  1200 
barrels,  and  that  before  the  end  of  the  season  they  expected  to  catch 
over  6000  barrels. 

The  fishing  grounds  of  the  Indians  were  not  limited  to  the  rivers, 
for  the  ocean  shore  furnished  an  abundant  supply  of  fish  as  welL 
The  Crescent  City  Herald 24  in  1857  described  a school  of  fish,  includ- 
ing smelt,  sardines,  and  other  fish  so  small  that  ninety  could  be  dipped 
up  with  one  sweep  of  a cigar  box.  The  shore  at  Crescent  City  was 
covered  with  fish  a foot  deep.  Judging  from  the  actions  of  water 
fowl,  the  fish  extended  three-quarters  of  a mile  seaward,  and  they 
were  so  numerous  that  three  men  found  it  impossible  to  row  a skiff 
through  them.  Methods  of  surf -fishing  are  described  in  a section  to 
follow. 

The  Wiyot  were  preeminently  a fisher  folk,  and  no  doubt  the 
prehistoric  people  of  this  region  were  the  same,  as  is  evidenced  by  the 
quantities  of  fish  bones  in  the  excavated  site,  though  there  was  no 
special  stratum  of  fish  bones,  except  one  pocket  at  the  depth  of  three 
and  a quarter  feet  around  a whale  vertebra.  As  a rule  the  fish  bones 
were  evenly  distributed  throughout  the  mound,  usually  in  such  small 

22  For  the  use  of  hyphens  and  question  marks  in  the  translation  of  Indian 
stems  see  remarks  preceding  the  Lists  of  Geographical  Names. 

23  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Apr.  14,  1858;  Dec.  4,  1858;  Nov.  19,  1859,  copied 
from  Humboldt  Times,  published  in  Eureka. 

24  Copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Aug.  26,  1857. 


239 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory 

fragments  that  they  were  inconspicuous.  However,  their  presence 
was  made  plain  by  putting  the  mound  material  through  screens.  The 
results  obtained  by  screening  will  be  more  fully  discussed  later  under 
the  heading  of  Composition  of  the  Mound.  At  the  depth  of  three 
and  a quarter  feet  there  were  pockets  of  fish  scales  too  conspicuous  to 
need  screening. 

Mollusks 

The  mollusks  obtained  from  the  excavation  on  site  67,  as  identified 
by  B.  L.  Clark,  are  given  in  the  order  of  their  apparent  abundance, 
no  exact  measurement  being  made. 

Paphia  staminea  Con.,  hard-shelled  clam,  carpet-shell. 

Cardium  corbis  Mart.,  heart-shell,  basket  cockle. 

Schisothaerus  nuttallii  Con.,  Washington  clam. 

Macoma  nasuta  Con.,  soft-shelled  clam,  bent-nosed  macoma. 

Saxidomus  nuttallii  Con.,  giant  saxidome. 

Mytilus  edulis  Linn.,  soft-shelled  mussel,  edible  mussel. 

Epiphragmophora  fidelis  Gray,  land  snail,  faithful  snail. 

Natica  lewisii  Gld.,  sea  snail,  moon-shell. 

Haliotis  rufescens  Swains.,  red  ab alone, 

Olivella  biplicata  Sby.,  purple  olive-shell. 

Dentalium  pretiosum  Nutt.,  dentalium,  tusk-shell. 

Hinnites  giganteus  Gray,  purple-hinged  pecten,  rock-oyster. 

Zirphaea  crispata  Linn.,  rough  piddock. 

The  first  six  comprised  the  food  species  from  which  the  mound 
was  built  up,  and  of  these  the  mussel  was  rather  negligible  in  quan- 
tity. The  land  snails  were  found  only  in  what  were  at  one  time  the 
bottoms  of  house-pits,  now  filled  in  with  recent  material  to  a depth  of 
two  feet.  In  each  pit  there  was  a distinct  layer  containing  many  of 
these  shells  in  unbroken  condition.  The  house  pits  formed  a par- 
ticularly moist  and  favorable  habitat  for  this  species.  The  sea  snail 
was  not  numerous,  there  being  only  fifteen  specimens  from  the  upper 
three  feet,  and  only  fifty  specimens  at  a depth  of  three  to  six  feet. 

Abalone  was  present  usually  as  an  artifact,  though  there  were  a 
few  fragments  that  showed  no  signs  of  workmanship.  Abalone  is 
practically  limited  to  the  coast  to  the  south  of  Cape  Mendocino, 
though  a few  rare  specimens  have  been  found  on  the  rocks  about 
Trinidad  bay.  The  olive-shell  is  usually  found  as  a bead  in  associa- 
tion with  human  remains,  though  a few  which  showed  no  signs  of 
workmanship  occurred  in  streaks  of  sand.  It  is  considered  probable 
that  these  were  brought  to  the  mound  quite  unintentionally  in  sand, 
which  was  transported  thither  for  some  reason  or  other.  The  den- 


240 


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talium  shells  were  found  only  in  association  with  human  remains. 
They  are  of  a species  obtained  rarely  from  the  waters  of  Puget  sound 
and  northward,  and  used  as  money  by  most  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Pacific  slope.  There  were  but  three  specimens  of  the  pecten,  one 
being  found  on  the  surface  of  the  mound,  the  other  two  in  association 
with  human  remains.  The  piddock  was  found  only  as  traces  in 
samples  of  mound  material  analyzed  by  E.  W.  Gifford. 

Sites  10  and  13  contained  the  same  six  food  species  as  site  67,  and 
in  addition  the  razor-shell,  SiUqua  patula  Dixon,  and  a few  large 
mussels,  Mytilus  calif ornianuus  Con.  At  Brainards  Point  there  is 
a hill  reaching  out  through  the  marsh  exposing  a bluff  to  the  waters 
of  the  bay,  and  here,  on  one  of  the  village  sites,  49  or  50,  two  speci- 
mens of  the  rough  piddock,  Zirphaea  crispata  Linn.,  were  found. 

The  soft-shelled  mussel,  Mytilus  edulis  Linn.,  the  most  abundant 
species  in  the  majority  of  the  San  Francisco  bay  mounds,  takes  a 
rather  backward  place  on  Humboldt  bay,  where  there  are  a few 
deposits  several  inches  in  thickness  on  the  North  Spit  and  on  Eureka 
slough.  Site  59  had  a deposit  seventy-five  feet  long  and  eight  inches 
deep  largely  composed  of  mussel  shell.25  The  mussels  of  the  bay  were 
not  attached  to  rocks,  for  there  were  none,  but  rather  to  the  trunks 
of  trees  washed  into  the  bay  by  freshets. 


Other  Fauna 

Five  samples  of  crab  claws  were  obtained  from  site  67  at  depths 
down  to  four  and  a half  feet,  while  a few  of  the  samples  analyzed 
showed  small  traces  of  crab  shell.  One  specimen  of  the  barnacle  para- 
site of  whales,  Coronula  diadema  Linn.,  was  found  at  a depth  of  three 
feet,  while  three  other  specimens  were  at  a depth  of  five  and  a half 
feet.  On  site  11  or  12  there  was  a quart  or  two  of  these  in  one  heap. 
Other  species  of  barnacles  were  found  only  as  small  traces. 

Ethnopalaeontology  may  be  an  unusual  topic,  but  a few  words 
might  be  said  under  this  heading.  Among  other  Indian  relics  ob- 
tained by  Robert  Gunther  from  site  68  is  a tooth  of  a mastodon. 
This  was  possibly  obtained  by  the  Indians  at  the  base  of  Red  Bluff, 
for  George  Davidson26  says  he  found  specimens  of  the  4 ‘primitive 

25  E.  W.  Gifford  (present  series,  xn)  gives  the  composition  of  this  deposit  as 
follows:  39.73%  mussel,  2.05%  barnacle,  26.68%  other  shell,  12.08%  ash,  .21% 
charcoal,  .01%  fish  bones,  and  19.23%  residue. 

26  George  Davidson,  Pacific  Coast  Pilot,  California,  Oregon  and  Washington, 
p.  102,  1869. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  241 


elephant  there  in  1854,  or  it  might  have  come  from  any  one  of  sev- 
eral other  fossil  beds  of  the  region.  On  Eel  river  above  How  creek 
there  is  a slide  containing  clam  shell,  abalone,  etc.  This  place  was 
called  kotwaryuwok  by  the  Wiyot.  To  the  south  of  Little  river  along 
the  ocean  coast  there  are  bluffs,  over  one  hundred  feet  high,  composed 
of  blue  clay,  and  filled  with  springs  which  cause  slides,  exposing 
fossil  shells.  There  is  another  place  on  Mad  river  above  Maple  creek 
known  as  Blue  Slide. 


DISCOVERY  AND  SETTLEMENT  BY  WHITES 
EAELY  VOYAGES 

The  first  navigator  to  pass  up  the  northern  California  coast  was 
Ferrelo,  Cabrillo’s  pilot,  in  the  winter  of  1543.  He  and  his  associates 
described  San  Diego  bay,  Santa  Barbara  islands  and  adjacent  coast, 
the  mountains  of  San  Francisco  peninsula,  a great  gulf  to  the  north  of 
them,  with  a suspicion  of  a river,  perhaps  from  muddy  water,  Point 
Reyes,  Point  Arena,  and  a few  other  faint  glimpses  of  the  coast  as  far 
north  as  the  mouth  of  Rogue  river,  Oregon.  Because  of  severe  storms 
he  was  almost  shipwrecked,  and  to  the  northward  was  compelled  to 
keep  seventy  or  eighty  miles  off  coast. 

Francis  Drake  passed  southward  along  the  California  coast  in 
June,  1579.  His  ship  was  leaking  badly,  so  that  after  anchoring  in 
Chetco  Cove,  near  the  northern  boundary  of  California,  he  spent 
twelve  days  in  the  “thicke  and  stinking  fogges”  searching  for  a safe 
harbor  where  he  might  make  repairs.  But  he  discovered  nothing 
until  he  reached  Drakes  bay,  thirty  miles  northwest  of  San  Francisco. 

Vizcaino  passed  Cape  Mendocino  in  1603,  but  after  this  the  Span- 
iards did  nothing  for  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  years,  until,  aroused 
by  jealousies  caused  by  the  Russian  exploration  of  Alaska,  they  began 
to  plant  their  missions  in  California  in  1769.  Then  voyages  of  explor- 
ation up  the  coasts  of  California,  Oregon,  and  Washington  became 
quite  numerous.  Among  these  were  expeditions  by  Perez,  Ayala, 
Martinez,  Haro,  Artega,  Fidalgo,  and  Quimper.  But  all  of  them 
failed  to  discover  any  very  important  details  of  the  coast. 

Bodega  in  1775 

The  only  early  Spanish  voyage  of  any  interest  to  us  is  that  of 
Bodega  in  1775,  who  spent  the  time  from  June  9 to  June  20  an- 


242  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

chored  in  Trinidad  bay.27  This  was  a sufficient  length  of  time  to  allow 
the  explorers  to  chart  the  harbor*  plant  a cross  on  the  hill,  explore 
several  miles  of  Little  river,  and  make  valuable  observations  on  the 
rocks,  tides,  fish,  birds,  mammals,  forests,  flora,  and  inhabitants.  There 
was  a village  almost  within  arrow  shot  of  their  point  of  anchorage,  and 
during  their  stay,  from  more  distant  villages  “more  than  300  came 
down  in  different  parties,  with  their  women  and  children.”28  Several 
pages  of  description  are  devoted  to  the  customs  of  these  Yurok  Indi- 
ans, as  they  are  now  called — their  clothing,  ornamentation,  tattooing, 
laws,  government,  language,  canoes,  houses,  arms,  and  food. 

The  explorers  believed  themselves  to  be  the  only  foreigners  whom 
these  Indians  had  ever  seen,  yet  they  mentioned  some  foreign  influ- 
ence in  these  words : ‘ ‘ Their  arms  are  chiefly  arrows  pointed  with 
flint,  and  some  of  them  with  copper  or  iron,29  which  we  understood 
were  procured  from  the  N.  ” Another  edition30  mentions  a further 
use  of  iron  in  the  following  language : 

The  arms  which  they  used  are  arrows  with  flint  points,  knives  of  the  same 
material,  and  some  imperfect  iron  ones  like  a machete  with  wooden  handles,  it 
being  understood  that  they  provided  themselves  with  these  from  farther  north. 
They  wear  them  hung  around  their  necks,  falling  over  their  shoulders  or  tied  to 
their  wrists. 

From  these  references  to  iron  and  copper  it  would  appear  to  us 
that  ships  had  previously  stopped  either  at  Trinidad  bay  or  not  far 
to  the  north.  In  the  early  days  of  exploration  as  well  as  in  the  suc- 
ceeding days  of  the  whale  trade  and  fur  trade,  and  also  even  after  the 
establishment  of  trading  posts  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  on  the 
Columbia  river,  scraps  of  iron,  barrel  hoops,  flies,  cooking  utensils, 
and  metal  in  any  other  form,  were  the  most  eagerly  sought  articles  of 
trade.  This  metal  was  fashioned  by  the  Indians  into  the  shapes 
that  they  desired.  There  are  at  the  University  museum  half  a dozen 
iron  knives  ranging  in  length  from  thirteen  to  twenty-six  inches. 

27  Journal  of  a Spanish  Voyage  in  1775,  by  Don  Antonio  Maurelle,  second 
pilot  of  the  expedition;  translated  by  Daines  Barrington  in  Miscellanies,  London, 
1781,  pp.  471-534.  A somewhat  different  account  of  this  voyage  is  given  under 
the  title:  Primer  viaje  de ...  Bodega  y Quadra ... ano  de  1775,  published  in 
Anuario  de  la  direccion  de  hidrografia,  ano  III,  1864,  pp.  279-294,  Madrid,  1865. 
There  are  some  discrepancies  in  the  dates,  these  here  given  being  from  the  transla- 
tion by  Barrington. 

28  Ibid.,  Barrington  edition,  p.  487. 

29  Ibid.,  p.  489.  The  translator  in  a footnote  states  that  similar  arrow  points 
made  of  metal  could  be  seen  in  his  day,  1781,  in  Sir  Ashton  Lever’s  Museum,  in 
collections  from  St.  George’s  sound,  N.  Lat.  50°,  i.e.,  Vancouver  island. 

so  Ibid.,  Madrid  edition,  . 1865,  p.  284. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  243 

They  were  obtained  from  the  Yurok  and  Tolowa  Indians.  They  have 
elk  horn  handles  and  appear  in  every  way  to  be  of  Indian  make. 

.From  the  Spanish  accounts  quoted  above  there  is  a suggestion 
that  the  knives  were  used  by  the  Indians  of  Trinidad  bay  for  pur- 
poses of  ostentation,  suspended  from  the  neck  in  a similar  manner  to 
that  in  which  ceremonial  knives  of  obsidian  are  worn  in  dances.  At 
that  date  metal  would  quite  likely  be  too  highly  prized  by  the  Indians 
to  the  north  to  be  parted  with  in  trade  between  themselves  and  their 
southern  neighbors. 

In  the  matter  of  clothing,  ornamentation  and  the  like,  the  Indians 
at  Trinidad  bay  in  1775  are  described  as  having  customs  similar  to 
those  which  were  found  to  prevail  from  Humboldt  bay  to  the  Klamath 
river  at  the  time  of  the  American  settlement.  At  the  present  time 
elderly  women  are  to  be  seen  at  Humboldt  bay  with  three  vertical 
tattoo  marks  on  the  chin,  though  in  almost  all  other  respects  these 
Indians  have  adopted  the  white  man’s  ways.  Of  the  houses  at  Trini- 
dad bay  in  1775  we  have  this  description:31 

Their  houses  were  square,  and  built  with  large  beams,  the  roofs  being  no 
higher  than  the  surface  of  the  ground,  for  the  doors  to  which  they  make  use  of  a 
circular  hole  just  large  enough  for  their  bodies  to  pass  through.  The  floors  of 
these  huts  are  perfectly  smooth  and  clean,  with  a square  hole  two  feet  deep  in  the 
eenter,  in  which  they  make  their  fire,  and  around  which  they  are  continually  warm- 
ing themselves,  on  account  of  the  great  cold. 

As  to  the  use  of  canoes  at  Trinidad  bay  we  will  quote  as  follows  :32 

On  the  14th  [July  1775]  I awaited  the  high  tide  in  order  to  leave.  At  this 
time  numerous  canoes  of  Indians  gathered,  very  tractable  apparently,  who  with 
the  greatest  docility  sold  their  pelts  to  members  of  my  crew.  . . . After  this 
reciprocal  traffic  I sent  six  men  ashore  well  armed  with  the  boatswain,  to  cut  wood 
and  timber  . . . but  'on  disembarking  for  their  tasks  more  than  300  Indians 
attacked  them,  surprised  them,  and  in  my  opinion,  killed  them;  . . . but  without 
any  boat  in  my  ship,  and  without  the  aid  of  either  of  the  frigates,  they  being  so 
far  away  that  we  could  scarcely  see  them,  and  being  without  sufficient  number  of 
men,  I had  no  recourse,  at  the  time,  than  consider  means  of  returning  to  punish 
the  attack;  for  this  purpose  I prepared  to  set  sail. 

The  savages  observing  my  movements,  and  perhaps  realizing  the  few  persons 
who  remained  with  me,  and  being  moreover  encouraged  by  the  smallness  of  the 
sloop,  embarked  in  about  10  canoes  with  28  or  30  Indians  in  each,  and  approached 
my  vessel  with  the  object  of  impeding  my  departure.  . . . Having  succeeded  in 
killing  six  Indians,  wounded  others,  and  overturned  their  canoes  I succeeded  in 
setting  sail. 

si  Ibid.,  Barrington  edition,  p.  485. 

32  Ibid.,  Madrid  edition,  1865,  p.  285.  This  account  of  hostility  does  not  agree 
with  the  Journal  as  translated  by  Barrington,  which  says:  “we  never  observed 
anything  contrary  to  the  most  perfect  friendship  and  confidence  which  they 
seemed  to  repose  in  us.  I may  add,  that  their  intercourse  with  us  was  not  only 
kind,  but  affectionate.” 


244 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Vancouver  in  1793 

In  1790  the  king  of  England  sent  out  two  ships  under  command 
of  George  Vancouver  to  explore  the  Pacific.  These  ships  were  an- 
chored in  Trinidad  bay  May  2 to  May  5,  1793,  while  the  party  spent 
two  days  on  shore.  Vancouver  described  the  Indians  here  in  the 
following  words:33 

The  next  morning  I went  on  shore  . . . Most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  village 
were  absent  in  their  canoes,  trading  alongside  the  ship,  leaving  a few  old  women 
only  to  attend  us;  these  ...  I accompanied  to  their  habitations,  which  consisted 
of  five  houses  built  of  plank,  rudely  wrought  . . . neither  wind  nor  water  tight. 
. . . Their  roofs  . . . rise  with  a small  degree  of  elevation  to  a ridge  in  the  mid- 
dle . . . The  upright  boards  forming  the  sides  and  ends  of  the  house  are  not 
joined  close  enough  to  exclude  the  weather,  the  vacancies  are  filled  up  with  fern 
leaves  and  small  branches  of  pine  trees.  The  entrance  is  a round  hole  in  one  cor- 
ner of  the  house  close  to  the  ground,  where  wdth  difficulty  a grown  person  can 
find  admittance.  . . . Four  of  these  houses  seemed  to  have  been  recently  built, 
and  were  on  a level  with  the  ground.  These  appeared  to  be  calculated  for  two 
families  of  six  or  seven  persons  each;  the  other,  which  was  smaller  and  nearly  half 
underground,  I supposed  to  be  the  residence  of  one  family,  making  the  village 
according  to  this  estimate  to  contain  about  sixty  persons.  . . . Their  merchandise 
consisted  of  bows,  arrows,  some  very  inferior  sea  otter  skins,  with  a scanty  supply 
of  sardinias,  small  herring,  and  some  flat  fish.  Their  numbers  during  the  forenoon 
seemed  to  multiply  from  all  quarters,  particularly  from  the  southward,  from 
whence  they  arrived  both  by  land  and  in  their  canoes.  These  people  seemed  to 
have  assembled  in  consequence  of  signals  that  had  been  made  the  preceding  even- 
ing, soon  after  the  last  party  returned  to  the  shore.  A fire  had  been  then  made, 
and  was  answered  by  another  to  the  southward  on  a high  rock  in  the  bay ; the  same 
signal  was  repeated  in  the  morning,  and  again  answered  to  the  southward.  . . . 

The  number  of  inhabitants  belonging  to  the  village  seemed  to  be  about  sixty; 
the  others,  who  came  from  the  southward,  were  all  armed  with  bows  and  arrows. 
These  they  at  first  kept  in  constant  readiness  for  action,  and  would  not  dispose  of 
them,  nor  even  allow  of  their  being  examined  by  our  people.  They  seated  them- 
selves together,  at  a distance  from  our  nearer  neighbors,  which  indicated  them 
to  be  under  a different  authority;  at  length  however  they  became  more  docile  and 
familiar,  and  offered  for  sale  some  of  their  bows,  arrows,  and  sea  otter  skins. 
The  bow  and  arrows  were  the  only  weapon  these  people  appeared  to  possess. 
Their  arrows  were  made  very  neatly,  pointed  with  bone,  agate,  or  common  flint; 
we  saw  neither  copper  nor  iron  appropriated  to  that  purpose ; and  they  had  knives 
also  made  of  the  same  materials.  . . . 

Their  clothing  was  chiefly  made  of  the  skins  of  land  animals,  with  a few 
indifferent  small  skins  of  the  sea  otter.  All  these  they  readily  disposed  of  for 
iron,  which  was  in  their  estimation  the  most  valuable  commodity  we  had  to  offer. 

The  high  rock  where  the  fire  was  built  was  doubtless  Little  River 
Rock,  120  feet  in  elevation  and  less  than  a mile  from  both  sites  1 and  2 
(map,  pi.  1).  The  half  underground  house,  described  also  by  Mau- 

33  George  Vancouver,  Voyage  of  Discovery,  1790-1795  (London,  1798),  n, 
241-243,  247. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  245 


relle  as  the  sacred  palace  of  their  ruler,  is  doubtless  what  is  known 
to  us  as  the  sweat-house.  Maurelle  and  Vancouver  agree  on  many 
points  of  description.  Their  only  disagreement  is  in  regard  to  the 
use  of  metal  for  some  of  their  arrow  points,  yet  here  the  statement  of 
Maurelle  is  too  circumstantial  for  doubt  as  to  its  correctness.  The 
apparent  disagreement  in  regard  to  houses  can  be  accounted  for  by 
supposing  that  in  Maurelle ’s  time  the  houses  were  nearly  buried  in 
clam  and  mussel  shell,  while  eighteen  years  later  they  have  been 
rebuilt. 

W inship  in  1806 

In  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  Russians  in  Alaska 
engaged  a number  of  American  “tramp”  ships  in  trapping  sea-otter 
on  the  coast  of  California  and  lower  California.  These  ships  some- 
times brought  back  from  two  thousand  to  five  thousand  sea-otter  skins, 
besides  what  they  stole.  There  are  accounts34  of  their  visiting  San 
Francisco  bay,  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  ports  of  Lower  California, 
where  it  seems  they  obtained  the  most  skins. 

Quite  a quantity  of  sea-otter  bones  are  found  in  some  of  the  San 
Francisco  bay  shellmounds,  while  less  than  half  a dozen  were  obtained 
from  the  archaeological  sites  of  Humboldt  bay.  Vancouver  mentions 
the  “very  inferior  sea  otter  skins”  of  Trinidad  bay,  and  to  make  the 
emphasis  doubly  strong,  speaks  a second  time  of  the  “few  indifferent 
small  skins.”  This  explains  why  the  Russians  so  hastily  passed  by 
this  part  of  the  coast.  However,  to  them  belongs  the  honor  of  having 
first  discovered  Humboldt  bay. 

In  May,  1806,  Captain  Jonathan  Winship  came  to  Sitka  with  an 
American  ship  and  the  Russian  governor  made  a contract  with  him 
to  take  one  hundred  Aleuts  with  fifty  small  boats  on  a ten  to  four- 
teen months’  hunting  trip  to  California.  On  this  trip  Humboldt  bay 
was  discovered  and  charted.  This  chart  was  combined  with  that  of 
Trinidad  bay  made  by  Vancouver,  and  published  in  an  atlas  com- 
piled by  Tebenkof  in  1848.  On  page  42  of  the  explanatory  volume 
this  chart  has  the  following  description:35 

About  eight  and  a half  miles  from  the  port  of  Trinidad  [seventeen  and  a half 
miles  really]  is  found  the  entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Indians,  called  the  entrance  of 
Resanof.  According  to  the  Colonial  Documents  of  the  Russian  American  Com- 

34  George  Davidson,  Discovery  of  Humboldt  Bay,  in  Trans,  and  Proc.  Geog. 
Soc.  Pacific,  1891,  gives  a bibliography  and  summary  of  the  chief  events. 

35  Tebenkof,  Atlas  of  the  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  Aleutian  Islands  and 
North  Pacific,  St.  Petersburg,  1852 ; subchart  to  chart  xm,  reproduced  as  plate  2 
in  this  paper.  The  quotation  is  from  George  Davidson,  Discovery  of  Humboldt 
Bay,  op.  cit.,  p.  11. 


246 


University  of  Calif ornia Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 

pany,  it  appears  that  it  was  discovered  by  citizens  of  the  United  States.  In  1806 
there  was  in  it  (on  an  American  vessel),  under  the  command  of  Winship,  a sea- 
otter  party  of  Aleuts,  under  the  leadership  of  Slabodtshikoff,  which  was  met  by 
the  Indians  inimically.  This  bay  has  not  been  carefully  surveyed,  but  it  is  known 
that  it  is  of  considerable  size;  and  somewhat  resembles  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco, 
except  that  the  entrance  to  it  for  vessels  of  large  class  is  not  convenient,  and 
with  strong  southwest  winds  it  is  even  impassable  for  any  kind  of  vessel.  The 
depth  at  the  entrance  is  two  fathoms,  and  then  the  ocean  swell  breaks  on  the  bar. 

Lacking  any  narrative  of  the  .expedition,  the  chart  itself  furnishes 
us  with  our  only  evidence  as  to  what  the  party  did  while  in  the  bay. 
The  writer  has  made  several  trips  about  the  bay  in  a rowboat  from 
the  northernmost  to  the  southernmost  extremities,  and  feels  himself 
competent  to  make  the  unqualified  statement  that  Winship  never 
spent  more  than  two  days  inside  the  bay,  because  if  he  had  stayed 
longer  he  would  have  discovered  more  of  the  details,  though  he  was 
almost  faultlessly  accurate  in  charting  everything  that  he  did  see, 
even  to  clumps  of  trees  on  Gunther  island,  and  breaks  in  the  hills 
where  streams  came  down.  His  movements  during  a two  days’  stay 
were  probably  as  follows: 

He  entered  the  harbor,  taking  soundings  as  he  proceeded  up  the  channel  to 
his  point  of  anchorage  between  Samoa  and  Gunther  island.  The  next  day,  with 
the  incoming  tide,  he  proceeded  up  the  bay  in  a rowboat  as  far  as  an  Indian 
village  on  the  North  Spit,  perhaps  on  site  29,  which,  being  situated  on  top  of 
an  old  sand-dune  ridge,  would  be  conspicuous  from  the  bay.  He  did  not  go  far 
enough  to  see  Mad  River  slough.  From  this  Indian  village,  at  the  time  of  high 
tide,  he  crossed  the  bay  to  Brainards  Point,  where  there  was  another  village  con- 
spicuous from  the  bay — site  48,  49,  or  50.  Here  he  climbed  the  hill,  saw  Jacoby 
creek  to  the  north,  and  made  his  sketches  of  the  northern  part  of  the  bay.  From 
here  he  returned  to  the  ship,  keeping  well  to  the  west  of  the  islands,  as  would 
be  to  his  advantage  in  reaching  his  ship  if  the  tide  were  falling. 

The  abnormal  projection  of  the  three  islands  to  the  northward  shows  that 
they  were  sketched  while  the  tide  was  low,  exposing  the  mud  flats.  Two  of 
the  most  prominent  archaeological  sites  (67,  68)  of  the  region  are  situated  on 
Gunther  island,  and  it  is  inconceivable  that  one  or  both  of  them  were  not 
occupied  by  Indians  in  1806,  because  the  island  is  one  of  the  most  advanta- 
geous locations  on  the  bay.  The  mounds  of  these  sites  were  covered  with  trees 
or  bushes,  except  for  the  area  immediately  about  the  houses.  The  approaches 
for  canoes  were  on  the  southeastern  rather  than  on  the  northwestern  side.  The 
Russians  did  not  enter  the  channels  to  the  southeast  of  the  islands,  for  if  they 
had  they  would  have  quickly  seen  that  the  shore  of  the  bay  here  ran  east  and 
west,  rather  than  north  and  south.  They  also  failed  to  see  Eureka  slough. 
Under  these  conditions  the  villages  on  Gunther  island,  though  so  close  to  the  ship, 
could  have  been  overlooked,  but  on  the  other  hand  the  settlements  could  not  have 
missed  being  discovered  by  some  of  the  Aleuts  with  their  fifty  boats  if  the  ship 
had  remained  anchored  for  more  than  one  day  near  the  island.  It  would  have 
been  a most  natural  thing  for  all  who  had  had  no  duties  assigned  to  them  to 
spend  the  first  day  on  the  North  Spit,  or  on  the  shore  below  Eureka. 


1918]  Loud:  Lthno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  247 

The  second  day,  the  officers,  after  visiting  a village  somewhere  near  Bucksport 
and  another  near  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  and  finding  that  there  were  no  furs 
of  value  among  the  Indians,  would  naturally  be  inclined  to  proceed  on  their 
voyage,  but  before  leaving  the  bay  they  doubtless  ascended  Red  Bluff  so  as  to 
get  a look  at  the  south  end  of  the  bay.  They  saw  and  entered  on  their  chart  the 
position  of  a slough  behind  Red  Bluff,  but  did  not  see  Elk  river,  unless  Elk  river 
at  that  time  had  its  outlet  through  the  slough.  An  examination  of  the  United 
States  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  chart  of  1858  (see  pi.  3)  shows  conclusively 
that  the  slough  was  an  outlet  to  the  river  at  one  time,  while  at  other  times  the 
outlet  has  perhaps  even  been  to  the  north  of  Bucksport.  As  to  the  south  end  of 
the  bay,  none  of  the  details,  such  as  Salmon  creek,  Hooktown  slough,  or  Table 
Bluff,  could  be  seen  from  the  top  of  Red  Bluff,  though  the  general  rounding 
outline  of  this  part  of  the  bay  could  be  determined. 

After  Winship  left,  it  is  not  known  that  the  Russians  visited  the 
hay  again,  in  fact  it  seems  to  he  the  testimony  of  the  Indians36  that 
no  other  ship  entered  the  bay  previous  to  1850. 

Gold  Seekers’  Bush  in  1850 

It  is  an  unsettled  question  whether  Hudson  Bay  Company  trap- 
pers ever  saw  Humboldt  bay  or  not.  In  1830  to  1835  there  were 
trappers  on  Rogue,  Scott,  and  Trinity  rivers,37  and  doubtless  on 
Trinidad  bay.  The  writer  is  hardly  qualified  to  express  an  opinion, 
but  will  say  that  he  is  yet  to  be  convinced  that  any  of  them  visited 
Humboldt  bay.  The  Wiyot,  Tom  Brown,  born  about  1840,  on  site  7, 
a village  much  connected  by  intermarriage  with  the  Yurok  of  Trini- 
dad bay,  was  living  as  a boy  on  Gunther  island,  site  67,  when  the 
ships  of  the  gold  seekers  entered  the  bay.  He  ran  to  his  mother  to 
ask  what  the  strange  white  spots  on  the  water  meant,  and  she  knew 
because  she  had  seen  Russian  ships  off  Trinidad.  This  was  the  only 
mention  by  Indian  informants  of  whites  before  the  time  of  the  gold 
rush,  though  if  inquiry  had  been  made  it  is  barely  possible  that  other 

facts  might  have  been  brought  out. 

The  party  of  eight  miners  previously  mentioned  as  coming  from 
Trinity  river,  discovered  the  bay  on  December  20,  1849, 38  and  were 
led  by  the  Indians  from  the  south  end  of  the  North  Spit  around  the 
bay,  and  thence  to  the  present  location  of  Fortuna.  After  being  put 
across  Eel  river,  near  the  junction  of  Van  Duzen  river,  they  continued 
on  their  way  to  San  Francisco,  meeting  with  many  mishaps,  and  one 
dying  of  starvation.  The  following  quotation  from  the  narrative  of 
L.  K.  Wood  is  of  interest: 

36  L.  K.  Wood,  op.  cit.,  p.  95.  See  the  quotation  below. 

37  w.  W.  Elliott  So  Co.,  op.  cit.,  p.  129. 

38  L.  K.  Wood,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 


248  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

On  the  21st  we  made  our  camp  close  to  the  bay,  and  opposite  the  present 
town  of  Bucksport.  We  had  been  in  camp  but  a short  time  when  the  chief  Ki-we- 
lat-tah,  alias  “Old  000^^^^  his  two  wives,  and  his  brother  Shasepee,  came  in  a 
canoe  from  the  headland  known  as  Humboldt  Point  [site  79],  to  see  us,  and  from 
them  we  learned  that  no  white  person  had  ever  been  on  the  shores  of  the  bay  before, 
but  that  a long  time  ago,  when  they  were  children,  a sail  vessel  had  entered,  re- 
mained a short  time,  went  to  sea  and  never  returned.  During  our  whole  stay  here 
of  about  ten  days,  the  chief  and  his  party  remained  with  us  night  and  day,  except 
the  two  days  we  were  camped  at  the  head  of  the  bay  where  Areata  now  stands. 

We  left  the  bay  on  our  way  south  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1850,  and  arrived 
at  Sonoma  on  the  17th  day  of  February,  from  whence  two  of  our  party  went  to 
San  Francisco.  The  others  immediately  set  about  recruiting  a company  to  return, 
and  soon  succeeded  in  making  the  party  about  thirty  strong,  and  in  the  early  part 
of  March,  1850,  when  about  to  start,  four  of  the  recruits  were  arrested  for  murder 
(Indian  killing),  which  delayed  us.  (Six  should  have  been  arrested,  and  five  of 
the  six  hanged,  as  they  never  quit  Indian  killing,  but  kept  it  up  after  reaching 
here,  which  was  the  first  cause  of  our  Indian  troubles).  These  worthies  were 
taken  to  Benicia  and  confined  on  board  a man-of-war,  but  by  some  means  were 
released  and  soon  returned  to  us,  and  we  made  our  start  the  latter  part  of  March, 
reaching  the  bay  about  the  19th  day  of  April,  1850.  We  saw  that  the  schooner 
Laura  Virginia  was  inside,  and  that  Humboldt  Point  was  occupied  by  her  party. 
They  did  not  see  us,  and  that  they  should  not,  we  shifted  our  course. 

This  party  divided  and  staked  out  the  town  sites  of  Areata  and 
Bucksport.  Previous  to  this  even  the  whereabouts  of  the  port  de- 
scribed by  the  Spaniards  as  Trinidad  hay  was  unknown  to  American 
sailors.  During  the  winter  of  1849  no  less  than  fourteen  ships  were 
fitted  out  to  locate  such  a bay  if  it  really  existed,  and  a contest  began 
to  see  which  would  be  the  first  to  discover  anything  of  advantage.  A 
part  of  the  ‘ ‘ Cameo  ’ ’ crew,  in  a rowboat,  was  the  first  to  enter  Trini- 
dad bay,  where  they  were  abandoned  by  the  rest  of  the  crew  on  the 
ship,  while  the  “Laura  Virginia”  was  the  first  to  discover  the  mouth 
of  Klamath  river,  April  3. 

The  “Ryerson,”  the  “General  Morgan,”  and  a whaleboat  com- 
manded by  Captain  McDonald,  entered  Eel  river  within  a few  days 
of  each  other,  April  5 to  April  9,  and  sent  land  parties  north  to  Hum- 
boldt bay.  A land  party  belonging  to  the  “Laura  Virginia,”  coming 
from  Trinidad  bay,  located  the  entrance  to  Humboldt  bay  April  7 ; 
and  on  April  9 the  “Laura  Virginia”  entered  the  harbor.39  Numerous 
other  ships  came  in  after  her,  and  within  two  months  several  parties 
arrived  overland.  The  white  men  seemed  to  come  from  every  direction 
at  once.  Each  of  these  parties  entered  the  real  estate  business  and 
began  to  stake  out  town  sites  lining  the  shores  of  Eel  river,  Humboldt 
bay,  Trinidad  bay,  and  Klamath  river,  and  the  Indians  took  what 
was  left. 


39  w.  W.  Elliott  & Co.,  op.  cit.,  pp.  98-103. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  249 


INDIAN  NEIGHBORS  OF  THE  WIYOT 
WIYOT  BOUNDARIES 

As  already  shown,  the  lowlands  about  Humboldt  bay  have  two 
very  effective  barriers  separating  them  from  the  rest  of  California, 
namely,  physiography  and  vegetation.  The  resulting  isolation  favored 
the  development  of  a specialized  form  of  language  known  as  Wiyot.40 
There  was  only  one  dialect  for  the  region  bounded  on  the  north  by 
the  valley  of  Little  river,  and  on  the  south  by  Bear  River  mountains. 
To  the  east  the  same  dialect  was  spoken  along  Mad  river  for  two  or 
three  miles  above  Blue  Lake,  and  up  Eel  river  for  a mile  or  two  above 
the  mouth  of  the  Van  Duzen.  On  both  of  these  rivers  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  Wiyot  is  where  the  deep  canons  begin. 

Wiyot  informants  stated  positively  that  they  never  fished  on 
Little  river.  To  the  south  of  Little  river  there  was  considerable 
prairie,  which  abounded  in  game  and  vegetable  foods,  especially  the 
“wild  potato,”  the  name  of  which,  topoderos,  was  also  the  Wiyot 
name  of  Lindsey  creek,  at  the  head  of  which  was  a camping  place,  site 
r,  for  gathering  these  food  products.  All  of  this  prairie  land  should 
be  regarded  as  Wiyot  territory,  while  the  lower  waters  of  Little  river 
must  be  considered  as  Yurok  possession. 


THE  YUROK 

To  the  north  there  was  an  important  settlement  of  the  Yurok  on 
Trinidad  bay,  where  in  former  years,  there  was  a large  shellmound 
which  is  now  reported  to  be  washed  away.  Another  but  less  important 
village  was  at  the  mouth  of  Luffenholtz  creek  (pi.  1,  site  1).  This 
village  was  called  ta-pel-o  by  the  Wiyot,  because  arrow  points  were 
made  here  from  flint,  pel,  broken  from  a boulder  on  the  shore.  A 
third  Yurok  settlement  or  camping  place  was  at  the  mouth  of  Little 
river,  where  there  is  a small  deposit  of  the  large  mussel,  Mytilus  cali- 
fornianus.  Plate  5,  figure  1,  shows  the  mouth  of  Little  river  with  a 


40  Wiyot  is  the  native  name  for  the  Eel  river  delta.  It  has  slightly  varying 
forms  of  pronunciation  in  the  different  languages  of  the  region,  and  was  first 
applied  to  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  delta  hy  George  Gibbs,  op.  cit.,  p.  422. 
By  more  recent  writers  the  name  has  been  applied  to  all  who  speak  this  language, 
whether  living  on  Eel  river,  Humboldt  bay,  or  Mad  river.  Different  Wiyot  inform- 
ants show  considerable  variation  in  the  pronunciation  of  their  language,  but  this 
is  probably  individual  variation  rather  than  dialectic  difference.  Stephen  Powers, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  96;  101,  noted  two  variations.  Yiard  or  Wiyot,  on  lower  Humboldt 
bay  and  on  Eel  river,  and  Pat'awat  on  Mad  river,  both  however  “very  nearly 
identical. 1 ’ 


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large  square  rock  and  numerous  smaller  ones  just  around  the  first 
point.  They  lie  directly  in  front  of  the  village  site,  to  which  the  Wiyot 
gave  the  name  plet-kosom-ili,  “rocks  small.” 

8 'octal  Barriers  to  Intermarriage 

The  Wiyot  appear  to  have  always  had  friendly  relations  and  some 
intermarriage,  with  the  Yurok.  Intermarriage,  however,  was  some- 
what hindered  by  the  social  customs  common  to  the  northwest  coast, 
which  made  one  person  belong  to  the  wealthy  aristocracy,  and  an- 
other to  the  poor  class.  Wealth  was  reckoned  in  dentalium  shells, 
long  obsidian  knives,  scalps  of  the  woodpecker,  white  deer  skins,  and 
other  objects.  The  white  deer  skins  are  esteemed  in  northwest  Cali- 
fornia because  of  their  rarity.41  Wiyot  informants  knew  of  only 
three  having  been  killed  on  Mad  river,  one  of  these  being  sold  to  the 
Klamath  river  Yurok,  and  the  two  others  to  the  Hupa.  Trinidad, 
which  was  Yurok,  was  reported  to  have  had  many  “big  man,”  that  is, 
wealthy  ones,  while  Mad  river  and  Humboldt  bay  had  but  few  moder- 
erately  rich  men.  The  village  at  the  mouth  of  Eel  river  (site  aq)  was 
the  most  noted  of  all  Wiyot  settlements  for  the  number  of  its  rich 
men.  Tom  Brown,  belonging  to  the  leading  family  of  site  7 on  Mad 
river,  paid  one  horse  and  $250.00  in  American  money  for  a Yurok 
wife  from  Big  Lagoon.  It  will  be  readily  understood  that  Yurok 
wives  of  the  better  class  were  entirely  beyond  the  means  of  most 
Wiyot  men,  and  the  Wiyot  being  poorer  than  the  Yurok,  the  export 
of  women  was  greater  than  the  import. 

Yurok-Wiyot-Algonkin  Linguistic  Stock 

The  Wiyot  and  Yurok  languages  were  until  recently  considered 
two  independent  and  unrelated  stocks  of  speech.  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber 
in  1910  made  the  following  statement:42 

Loose  unification  of  languages  that  may  be  entirely  distinct,  based  only  on 
general  or  partial  grammatical  similarities,-  is  unwarranted.  The  structural  resem- 
blances between  Yurok  and  Wiyot  are  however  so  close  and  often  so  detailed,  as 
will  be  seen,  as  to  create  a presumption  that  lexical  and  genetic  relationship  may 
ultimately  be  established. 

In  1913  Dixon  and  Kroeber  made  the  following  statement  in  vol- 
ume 15  of  the  American  Anthropologist:  “Renewed  examination 

41  Albinos.  See  P.  E.  Goddard,  present  series,  I,  84,  1903.  The  San  Francisco 
Bulletin  of  Nov.  24,  1860,  says  that  an  American  killed  two  white  deer  on  the 
Klamath  and  sold  them  to  the  Indians  for  $350.00. 

42  A.  L.  Kroeber,  present  series,  ix,  415,  1911. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  251 

reveals  sufficient  lexical  correspondences  between  Yurok  and  Wiyot 
to  make  certain  the  genetic  unity  which  structural  similarities  have 
previously  indicated  as  possible.”  In  the  same  volume  of  the  Amer- 
ican Anthropologist,  Edward  Sapir  published  a paper,  the  purpose 
of  which  was:  “to  show  that  not  only  are  these  so  called  stocks  genet- 
ically related,  but  that  they  are  outlying  members — -very  divergent  to 
be  sure,  but  members  nevertheless — of  the  Algonkin  stock.” 

How  they  became  so  far  separated  from  their  eastern  relatives  it 
is  impossible  to  say,  but  they  must  have  been  separated  for  a very 
long  time.  The  Cheyenne,  Arapaho,  and  Siksika  or  Blackfeet,  until 
recently  considered  the  westernmost  members  of  the  Algonkin  stock, 
are  found  at  the  eastern  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  over  seven  hun- 
dred miles  away. 


ATHAPASCAN  NEIGHBORS 

To  the  east  and  south  of  the  Wiyot  lived  people  speaking  the 
Chilula,  Whilkut,  Nongatl,  Sinkyone,  and  Mattole  dialects,  all  of 
which  are  variations  of  the  Athapascan  form  of  speech.  The  evi- 
dence of  language  would  indicate  that  their  ancestors  came  originally 
from  western  Canada.  They  are  often  reputed  to  be  of  greater  physi- 
cal and  intellectual  vigor  than  the  lowland  Indians  about  the  bay,  to 
whom  they  appear  to  have  generally  assumed  a rather  superior  and 
hostile  attitude,  and  by  whom  they  were  feared.  Who  the  inhabitants 
of  the  uplands  were  before  the  arrival  of  the  Athapascans  can  be 
only  a matter  of  speculation.  They  might  have  been  ancestors  of  the 
Wintun,  the  Yuki,  or  the  Porno.  Whoever  they  were,  because  of  their 
environment,  they  must  always  have  been  culturally  distinct  from 
the  lowland  people  about  Humboldt  bay.  The  natural  barriers, 
especially  the  redwood  belt,  would  have  always  tended  to  keep  the 
two  apart.  Hence  the  territory  within  the  boundaries  of  the  Wiyot 
language  forms  a convenient  geographical  unit  for  archaeological  as 
well  as  ethnological  study. 

The  Chilula 

To  the  northeast,  on  Redwood  creek,  lived  the  Chilula.  The  writer 
is  also  inclined  to  regard  the  upper  part  of  Little  river  as  Chilula 
territory,  though  he  has  no  very  definite  proofs  to  offer,  except  to 
say  that  the  Chilula  have  a general  reputation  for  establishing  camp- 
ing places  wherever  there  was  no  one  to  check  them.  It  appears  that 
they  frequently  fought  with  both  the  Yurok  and  the  Wiyot.  At  a 


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time  since  the  American  settlement  they  almost  annihilated  a Yurok 
rancheria  on  Big  Lagoon. 

The  Wiyot  at  Blue  Lake  (site  z)  were  nearly  exterminated  by  an 
attack  only  a year  or  two  previous  to  the  settlement  of  the  whites,  who 
reported  seeing  thirty  or  forty  graves  here  as  the  result.  After  this 
attack  some  of  the  surviving  women  lived  near  Blue  Lake  with  Chilula 
husbands.  Whether  or  not  these  women  were  married  before  the  fight 
is  not  known.  Jim  Brock,  one  of  our  informants,  had  a Chilula 
father  from  Redwood  creek,  while  his  half  brother,  Kneeland  Jack, 
is  a full  blooded  Wiyot.  At  the  time  of  the  massacre,  Blue  Lake  Bob 
was  a baby  or  a child  and  wanted  to  cry  while  in  hiding,  but  his 
mother  held  her  hand  over  his  mouth  and  so  escaped  detection.  Bob 
was  a boy  in  1850 ; so  the  massacre  could  only  have  been  a few  years 
previous.  Jim  Brock  volunteered  the  information  that  there  was  a 
time  when  the  Chilula  killed  the  Wiyot  on  opportunity. 

The  Arrow  Tree. — One  mile  east  of  Korbel  there  is  a redwood  tree 
(pi.  1,  site  ah,  and  pi.  6,  fig.  2),  now  dead,  a little  over  eight  feet  in 
diameter.  This  tree  was  formerly  “ stuck  so  full  of  arrows  that  it 
was  like  a porcupine  up  to  a height  of  thirty  or  forty  feet/’  These 
“arrows”  or  darts  were  made  on  the  spot  from  shoots  of  huckleberry, 
V actinium,  or  of  hazel,  Corylus  rostrata.  The  writer  obtained  one 
specimen  from  a height  of  22  feet,  which  was  161/)  inches  long  and  V2 
inch  in  diameter.  Two  other  specimens  were  from  heights  not  exactly 
measured,  but  anywhere  from  7 to  12  feet  above  the  ground,  the  small- 
est specimen  being  8*4  inches  long  and  % of  an  inch  in  diameter. 
They  were  sharpened  at  both  ends  and  hurled  at  the  tree  until  they 
stuck  in  the  soft  bark. 

John  Stevens  and  Jim  Brock  were  questioned  concerning  the  sig- 
nificance of  the  tree,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  a 
little  reserved  and  did  not  tell  the  full  story,  for  others  report  that 
John  Stevens  has  told  them  more  than  he  told  the  writer.  These 
other  informants  were  Mr.  J.  P.  Blake  and  Mrs.  Olive  Stokes,  both 
well  qualified  to  speak  on  the  subject.  The  full  story  is  about  as 
follows : 

The  Indians  have  a tradition,  [or  perhaps  more  properly  a myth,  partly  based 
on  facts,  for  real  tradition  is  short  lived]  going  back  to  the  time  when  the  tree 
was  young.  Two  tribes  were  at  war,  the  interior  tribe  and  the  coast  tribe;  the 
interior  tribe  was  defeated  and  peace  was  made  at  or  near  the  tree,  which  after- 
wards was  considered  as  a boundary. 

Members  of  both  the  Chilula  and  Wiyot  tribes  passed  the  tree  on  occasion, 
and  as  it  was  considered  sacred,  they  left  an  arrow  in  its  bark.  At  first  the 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  253 


arrows  might  have  been  real  war  arrows,  but  within  the  memory  of  living  Indians 
they  have  been  merely  sharpened  sticks.  Gradually  the  original  significance  of 
the  tree  was  partially  lost  sight  of,  and  it  became  more  and  more  an  altar  for 
worship  and  a place  of  prayer. 

The  men  on  passing  the  tree  hurled  the  sharpened  stick  into  the  tree  and  made 
a prayer  for  good  luck  while  making  the  trip.  The  women  took  a sprig  of  redwood 
and  struck  their  legs  with  it,  saying:  “I  leave  you  all  my  sickness/ ’ and  then 
threw  it  at  the  base  of  the  tree  or  stuck  it  in  the  crevices  of  the  bark.  There 
had  accumulated  a large  heap  of  these,  while  the  trunk  bristled  with  the  arrows, 
when  a mischievous  white  man  burned  them,  the  fire  spreading  up  the  tree  as 
far  as  the  arrows  went. 

In  more  recent  times  the  Chilula  “used  to  come  as  far  as  the  tree 
and  no  farther”  except  when  bent  on  hostilities,  while  the  Wiyot  occa- 
sionally went  to  the  top  of  the  ridge  and  camped  while  killing  elk  or 
deer,  snaring  bear  or  panther,  and  gathering  huckleberries,  hazel- 
nuts, acorns,  and  other  food.  The  Athapascan  name  for  the  camping 
place  or  places  seems  to  be  the  same  as  that  for  the  tree,  tse-inatulwo- 
ten,  4 ‘ sticks-  ?-place.  ’ ’ 

Whether  or  not  there  is  any  historical  significance  to  the  Arrow 
Tree,  in  recent  times  it  has  been  only  one  of  many  such  wayside 
shrines  found  from  the  Russian  river  northward.  The  informants 
stated  that  formerly  there  were  many  piles  of  brush,  sticks,  leaves, 
stones,  or  anything  that  could  be  piled  up  by  passers  along  the  trails 
over  the  Bald  Hills  and  along  the  Klamath.43 

The  Whilkut 

Halfway  between  Blue  Lake,  and  Canon  creek,  there  was  a place 
called  tse-tena  ’tulwo-ten  in  the  Athapascan  dialect.  There  was  never 
any  village  there,  and  in  answer  to  inquiry  Jim  Brock  briefly  stated 
that  the  name  had  reference  to  ‘ ‘ many  rocks,  tse,  in  the  river  there.  ’ 744 
A great  similarity  will  be  noted  between  this  name  and  that  of  the 
Arrow  Tree,  tse-inatulwo-ten,  and  it  may  be  that  this  is  another  of 
the  wayside  shrines,  where  an  adventurer  cast  a stone  and  prayed  for 
a safe  return  when  passing  into  strange  territory. 

A reference  to  the  map  shows  what  is  a common  condition  among 
savage  peoples,  that  is,  that  two  separate  tribes  keep  their  villages 
at  a respectful  distance  away  from  each  other.  Even  at  that,  there  is 
often  a village  composed  of  persons  intermarried  from  both  tribes, 

43  Cf.  George  Gibbs,  op.  tit.,  pp.  103,  174;  Stephen  Powers,  op.  tit.,  p.  58; 
P.  E.  Goddard,  present  series,  x,  280,  1914;  and  P.  E.  Goddard,  Wayside  Shrines 
in  Northwestern  California,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.,  xv,  702-703,  1913. 

44  On  the  map,  plate  1,  the  Wiyot  boundary  line  is  made  to  pass  through  this 
place. 


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as  is  the  case  with  the  village  of  the  Sinkyone  farthest  down  stream 
on  Eel  river.  The  last  Wiyot  village  upstream  on  Mad  river  (site  ak), 
had  only  one  plank  house,  and  was  chiefly  used  as  a camping  place. 
The  first  Whilkut  village,  who'nta,  was  situated  at  the  mouth  of 
Canon  creek,  over  three  miles  by  the  bends  in  the  river  above  the  last 
Wiyot  village.  It  was  a small  but  permanent  village,  so  John  Stevens 
says,  though  he  had  seen  but  two  bark  winter  houses  there. 

One  of  the  chief  Whilkut  villages,  and  the  place  where  John 
Stevens  was  born,  was  situated  one  and  a half  to  two  miles  below 
Maple  creek.45  It  was  called  tse-didis-ten,  “ sticks- ?-place,  ” and  had 
ten  or  twelve  houses.  The  redwood  belt  ended  near  here,  though 
there  was  one  clump  of  the  trees  two  miles  above  Maple  creek. 

There  were  five  houses,  mostly  bark,  but  some  of  plank,  at  the 
mouth  of  Maple  creek,  while  on  Boulder  creek,  one  and  a half  miles 
above  Maple  creek,  there  were  a considerable  number  scattered  about 
on  both  sides  of  the  creek  and  also  up  the  creek.  Hence  the  Maple 
creek  district  was  a comparatively  populous  center. 

Mr.  Wm.  E.  Lindsey  described  both  the  houses  and  funeral  customs  near 
Maple  Creek  as  he  saw  them  in  1858.  As  a rule  the  bark  houses  were  eight' or  ten 
feet  in  diameter,  round  and  peaked  at  the  top.  There  were  other  bark  houses  ten 
or  twelve  feet  long,  with  a ridge  pole.  They  had  no  houses  made  of  planks,  like 
those  of  the  Wiyot,  because  pine  could  not  be  so  easily  split  as  redwood  with 
primitive  tools.  After  the  coming  of  the  whites  and  owing  to  the  availability  of 
better  tools,  the  Whilkut  made  houses  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  long  of  split  pine 
mixed  with  bark,  which  was  set  on  end  and  fastened  with  withes. 

As  for  burial  customs,  a body  was  seen  brought  to  the  grave  lashed  to  a board. 
One  of  the  mourners  pierced  the  nose  with  an  awl,  crossed  two  pieces  of  shell 
money  in  the  nose,  took  a piece  of  charcoal  and  marked  lines  from  the  forehead 
to  the  breast,  down  each  arm,  and  down  the  front  of  the  legs,  and  then  buried 
the  body.46 

Between  tse-didis-ten  and  Canon  creek  there  were  six  villages  or 
camping  places,  but  none  of  them  could  boast  of  having  more  than  two 
plank  houses,  or  two  or  three  bark  houses.  Above  Blue  Lake,  Mad 
river  runs  in  a deep  canon,  perhaps  unsuitable  for  habitation,  though 
there  were  deep  holes  in  the  river  where  fishing  was  good.  John 

45  W.  E.  Lindsey  informed  the  writer  that  about  1860  a party  of  whites  raided 
a rancheria  about  one  and  a half  miles  below  Maple  creek  and  killed  several. 
The  San  Francisco  Bulletin  of  March  13,  1860,  quoting  the  Humboldt  Times,  said 
that  a rancheria  opposite  “The  Slide,”  doubtless  the  same  as  “Blue  Slide,” 
was  attacked  and  an  unknown  number,  including  “Washettes,  a noted  rascal,” 
were  killed. 

46  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  88,  being  told  by  Mr.  Hempfield,  a pioneer  of  the 
region  at  the  head  of  Canon  creek,  that  the  Whilkut  burned  their  dead,  thought  it 
probable  that  their  custom  was  somewhat  varied.  P.  E.  Goddard,  present  series, 
I,  69-70,  gives  a burial  custom  of  the  Hupa  similar  to  that  of  the  Whilkut. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  255 


Stevens  stated  that  a long  time  ago,  before  his  father  was  born,  there 
was  a war  in  which  the  Chilna  killed  a number  of  Mad  river  people, 
but  the  writer  failed  to  understand  whether  the  latter  were  Whilkut 
or  Wiyot. 

On  Kneeland  Prairie,  between  the  headwaters  of  Freshwater  creek 
and  Lawrence  creek,  there  is  an  ancient  site  at  a spring.  Mortars, 
pestles,  and  arrow  points  have  been  found  here ; also  a roughly  worked 
stone  about  three  inches  in  diameter,  and  globular,  except  for  a slight 
projection  on  one  side  and  a slight  flattening  on  the  opposite  side. 
It  bears  some  resemblance  to  objects  found  in  central  California  and 
known  as  charmstones,  though  nothing  similar  has  hitherto  been 
known  to  occur  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  state.  Without  visit- 
ing the  site,  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  it  is  a village  site  or  whether 
the  articles  were  left  as  offerings  at  the  spring.  Both  the  Wiyot  and 
the  Whilkut  made  use  of  the  prairie  for  hunting  and  for  gathering 
vegetable  products,  though  they  sometimes  came  into  conflict  in  doing 
so.  Site  am  was  a camp  site  for  fishing  on  Freshwater  creek,  and  for 
making  excursions  to  the  top  of  the  ridge  for  acorns.  About  1855  a 
party  of  Whilkut  Indians  from  Kneeland  Prairie  and  Lawrence  creek 
went  down  and  attacked  this  camp,  with  the  loss  of  two  of  their 
number. 

The  Nongatl 

The  writer  regrets  that  he  has  but  little  knowledge  concerning  the 
Athapascan  Indians  living  on  Lawrence  and  Yager  creeks,  and  of  the 
nature  or  usefulness  of  the  country  between  these  creeks  and  Elk 
river.  Judging  from  the  northern  half  of  the  Wiyot  territory,  we 
should  expect  to  find  occasional  fishing  camps  on  Elk  river.  We 
should  also  expect  small  patches  of  prairie  with  trails  connecting  them, 
and  this  would  lead  to  some  sort  of  relationship,  either  hostile  or 
friendly,  between  the  Wiyot  and  the  Lawrence  and  Yager  creek  In- 
dians, but  owing  to  the  lack  of  time  no  inquiry  was  made  concerning 
this  territory. 

In  answer  to  a letter  of  inquiry  concerning  the  location  of  village 
sites  in  the  Yager  creek  region,  P.  E.  Goddard  writes:  “ South  and 
Middle  Yager  creeks  belong  in  the  Nongatl  territory.  North  Yager 
and  Lawrence  creek  seem  to  have  belonged  with  the  Whilkut.”  A 
manuscript  map  by  Dr.  Goddard  at  the  University  museum  shows  a 
group  of  six  village  sites  on  North  Yager  near  where  a military  post, 
Camp  Iaqua,  was  established  at  a date  unknown  to  the  writer,  but 


256  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.  [Vol.  14 

probably  about  1860.  These  villages  would  have  been  in  Whilkut 
territory  according  to  Goddard,  while  four  other  villages  on  Middle 
Yager  would  belong  to  the  Nongatl. 

At  the  University  museum  are  ten  specimens  of  various  colored 
flint  fragments  (numbers  1-19660  to  1-19664)  obtained  by  Dr.  God- 
dard at  four  different  rocks  situated  on  the  ridge  at  the  head  of 
Salmon  creek.  The  museum  catalogue  gives  the  Athapascan  names 
of  these  rocks  as  senteldun,  senata,  cacnundul,  and  senegintci.  There 
is  also  a specimen  of  flint  said  by  an  Indian  to  have  been  worked  by 
Coyote.  This  was  obtained  from  Salmon  creek  at  a place  called 
se-tcinuabatse-tcelindun. 

The  Sinkyone  and  Mattole 

The  Athapascan  Sinkyone,  called  Lokonkuk  or  Flonko  by  Pow- 
ers,47 had  their  main  center  at  Bull  creek,  fifteen  miles  above  Scotia. 
A village  at  Scotia  called  tokenewoLok  by  the  Wiyot  is  considered  by 
the  writer,  though  perhaps  with  insufficient  reasons,  to  be  in  Sinkyone 
territory.  One  and  a half  miles  below  Scotia  there  were  a few  houses 
occupied  by  people  who  had  intermarried  with  the  Wiyot.  The  Mat- 
tole, who  were  also  Athapascan,  lived  on  Mattole  and  Bear  rivers  to 
the  south  of  the  Wiyot,  with  whom  they  seem  never  to  have  enter- 
tained friendly  relations.  An  ancient  site,  where  there  was  consider- 
able shell  with  a few  arrow  points,  was  reported  to  the  writer  as  being 
some  four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Bear  river,  on  the  side  of  a ridge. 


WIYOT  ETHNOGEOGRAPHY 

In  numbering  the  village  sites  on  the  map  we  begin  with  the 
archaeological  ones,  commencing  in  the  north  and  following  the  coast 
southward,  going  up  each  succeeding  river  as  we  come  to  it.  There 
were  115  archaeological  sites  located  in  Wiyot  territory  besides  two 
in  Yurok  territory.  A few  were  shellmounds  ten  to  fifteen  feet  high 
and  several  hundred  feet  in  diameter;  others  were  shell  deposits  of 
varying  thicknesses  ranging  down  to  only  a few  inches  in  depth ; and 
still  others  did  not  have  enough  shell  to  be  readily  noticed,  but  were 
patches  of  ground  with  a slightly  darker  tinge  of  color  than  the  land 
surrounding  them,  caused  by  the  greater  amount  of  organic  material 
as  well  as  mixture  with  charcoal.  Because  the  soil  of  sites  is  of  differ- 


47  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  113. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  257 


ent  character  from  ordinary  soil,  it  is  a favorite  with  gophers.  On 
examination  of  the  dirt  at  the  mouth  of  gopher  holes,  small  particles 
of  shell  and  charcoal  can  be  seen,  as  well  as  burnt  stones  and  other 
evidences  of  former  human  occupation  of  the  site. 

A xew  sites  were  reported  as  places  where  arrow  points  or  other 
artifacts  had  been  ploughed  out.  These  are  popularly  termed  1 1 battle- 
grounds” and  are  sometimes  mentioned  as  such  in  works  of  ethnol- 
ogy,48 but  a moment’s  consideration  would  convince  one  that  it  is 
practically  impossible  to  locate  an  Indian  battleground.  As  Indian 
warfare  is  a rather  petty  affair  and  as  arrows  are  used  over  and  over 
again  where  practicable  until  broken  or  lost,  the  number  of  points  left 
upon  either  a battlefield  or  hunting-ground  would  be  rather  negligible. 
At  village  sites  or  at  'places  of  manufacture  the  case  is  different.  At 
one  village  site  that  the  writer  located  in  Nevada  he  found  nearly  a 
thousand  more  or  less  fragmentary  specimens  that  had  been  broken, 
rejected  or  lost. 

Besides  the  archaeological  sites,  there  were  other  places  occupied 
by  Indians  in  modern  times.  The  location  of  these  was  learned  from 
living  Indians,  but  on  visiting  the  spot  little  or  nothing  could  be  seen, 
the  reason  being,  perhaps,  that  they  were  occupied  for  only  one  gen- 
eration, or  for  so  short  a time  that  no  noticeable  deposit  of  black  soil 
or  anything  else  was  left  behind.  House-pits  were  so  shallow  in  this 
area,  except  on  shellmounds  or  sandy  ground,  that  they  are  unreliable 
as  guides. 

Most  of  the  modern  village  sites  on  Mad  river,  from  its  mouth  to 
Blue  Lake,  were  located  by  the  help  of  Aleck  Sam,  born  on  site  7 in 
1849,  a few  days  before  Wood’s  party  arrived  from  the  interior.  We 
drove  up  one  side  of  the  river  in  a wagon,  the  sites  being  pointed  out 
as  we  passed  them.  This  was  done  in  one  day’s  time,  so  only  in  a few 
cases  did  we  get  out  of  the  wagon  to  take  a look  at  the  exact  spot. 
Hence  some  of  these  sites  may  possibly  show  archaeological  signs  also. 
The  village  sites  about  Blue  Lake  were  pointed  out  by  Jim  Brock, 
born  at  site  y.  Others  were  located  by  the  writer  while  walking  up 
the  river  from  Blue  Lake  with  John  Stevens,  who  was  born  near 
Maple  creek. 

On  Eel  river  two  days  were  spent  with  horse  and  wagon  in  com- 
pany with  Dandy  Bill,  born  on  site  112,  but  living  as  a boy  at  different 
times  on  sites  90,  92,  102,  114,  and  ax.  Owing  to  Eel  river  being  such 

48  For  example,  P.  E.  Goddard,  Notes  on  the  Chilula,  present  series,  x,  278, 
1914. 


258 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


an  excellent  fishing  stream,  probably  always  supporting  a large  popu- 
lation, and  also  owing  to  the  fact  that  tidewater  reaches  to  Fortuna, 
with  many  sloughs  containing  mollusks,  one  should  find  here  numerous 
archaeological  sites,  were  it  not  that  the  river  bed  is  shifting.  P ossibly 
they  have  been  formed  and  covered  with  silt  during  freshets,  and 
perhaps  the  river  has  carried  others  away.  In  fact  the  river  has 
changed  its  bed  to  such  an  extent  that  Dandy  Bill  <»uld  hardly  pre- 
tend to  locate  some  of  these  sites  within  half  a mile  of  their  correct 
position,  and  the  writer  might  as  well  confess  that  he  may  have  erred 
another  half  mile  in  locating  them  on  the  map,  though  the  relative 
position  of  most  of  them  can  not  be  far  wrong. 

The  modern  village  and  camp  sites  are  designated  on  the  map  with 
letters  of  the  alphabet,  following  the  coast  and  rivers  from  north  to 
south  in  the  same  order  as  with  the  archaeological  sites.  There  are  57 
of  them,  but  this  does  not  include  all  of  the  modern  settlements,  be- 
cause at  least  41  of  the  archaeological  sites  were  occupied  in  recent 
times  as  well,  which  would  make  a total  of  98  modern  Wiyot  village 
and  camp  sites.  Including  both  the  archaeological  and  the  modern 
sites,  we  have  therefore  a total  of  172  known  sites  situated  in  Wiyot 
territory.  Of  these  the  writer  obtained  the  Wiyot  names  of  about  one 
hundred,  besides  about  forty  Wiyot  names  of  creeks,  mountains,  and 
trails.  The  Athapascan  names  of  over  fifty  places  and  about  twenty 
streams  in  Wiyot  and  Whilkut  territory  were  also  obtained.  These 
names  will  appear  in  lists  at  the  end  of  the  description  of  the  more 
important  localities. 


CHIEF  WIYOT  SETTLEMENTS  IN  1850 

The  recent  inhabitants  were  not  uniformly  distributed  in  villages 
of  equal  size,  but  for  the  most  part  were  rather  inclined  to  gather  in 
centers  of  population.  A small  part  of  the  population  lived  widely 
scattered,  in  settlements  of  one,  two,  or  three  families  at  a place. 
The  chief  centers  of  population  were : Mad  river  mouth,  sites  4,  a,  7, 
and  c ; Mad  river  bend,  sites  i,  j,  k,  and  9 ; Blue  Lake,  sites  y and 
ad;  Mad  river  slough,  sites  33  and  34;  vicinity  of  Eureka,  sites  67, 
68,  65,  58,  17,  and  73;  harbor  entrance,  sites  112,  77,  79;  south  end  of 
the  bay,  sites  86,  92,  and  102;  and  lastly,  Eel  river,  sites  aq,  ar,  au, 
av,  aw,  ax,  az,  and  ba.  This  makes  a total  of  thirty-two  leading  vil- 
lages, which  we  will  proceed  to  describe. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  259 


Sites  Near  Mad  River  Mouth 

Site  4. — This  village,  located  near  the  mouth  of  Mad  river  on  the 
north  side,  is  described  by  Wm.  R.  Lindsey  as  being  a considerable 
town  with  a population  of  seventy-five  or  eighty  in  1855.  Most  of  the 
houses,  which  were  of  two  kinds,  those  with  shed  roof  and  those  with 
gable  roof,  were  estimated  to  be  from  ten  to  sixteen  feet  long.  In  three 
cases  houses  were  built  close  together  so  as  to  make  rows  forty  or  fifty 
feet  long.  The  house-pits  were  eight  inches  or  a foot  lower  in  the 
center  than  at  the  perimeter.  Others  state  that  there  were  ten  or 
fifteen  houses  in  1853.  Tom  Brown  said  that  his  father  used  to  hold 
a ‘‘Jumping  dance”  there  every  summer  for  ten  days,  with  gambling, 
games,  and  foot  races  by  both  men  and  women.  This  village  was  situ- 
ated on  a prehistoric  site  that  was  washed  out  not  many  years  ago. 
The  skulls  exposed  were  not  modern  enough  to  restrain  the  Indian 
boys  from  taking  delight  in  throwing  rocks  at  them. 

Site  A. — This  village  was  located  near  the  mouth  of  Mad  river,  on 
the  south  side.  A white  informant  stated  that  there  were  eight  houses 
in  1856.  Another  informant  visited  the  place  about  1858  and  several 
times  afterwards  when  dances  were  held. 

Site  7. — Site  7 is  located  north  of  Mad  river,  just  west  of  Mill 
creek.  Jim  Brock  of  Blue  Lake  makes  mention  of  it  as  a village  of  a 
dozen  houses,  whose  occupants  were  especially  friendly  with  the  Trini- 
dad people,  doubtless  because  of  intermarriage.  He  also  described 
the  abundance  of  bushes  along  the  edge  of  the  village,  for  which  reason 
it  was  called  tef-ming-a,  “brush-edge,”  in  Athapascan.  The  Wiyot 
name  was  gwisok. 

As  this  village  was  the  birthplace  of  two  Wiyot  informants,  Tom 
Brown  and  Aleck  Sam,  the  writer  obtained  some  information  regard- 
ing the  number  of  habitations.  There  were  here  two  sweat-houses 
and  eleven  dwelling  houses,  with  the  following  occupants : 1,  father 
of  Tom  Brown ; 2,  Brokearm,  uncle  of  Tom  Brown ; 3,  grandfather  of 
Tom  Brown,  or  Brokearm ’s  father;  4,  grandfather  of  Jimmy  Barto; 
5,  grandfather  of  Frank  Brown;  6,  father  of  Lookin;  7,  uncle  of 
Lookin’s  father;  8,  grandfather  of  Aleck  Sam;  9,  father  of  Aleck 
Sam;  10,  Bighead;  11,  four  widows  whose  husbands  had  been  killed 
by  Chilula  Indians.  One  house  was  also  said  to  have  been  occupied 
by  the  uncle  of  Aleck  Sam,  but  probably  he  was  one  of  the  persons 
mentioned  above. 

It  would  appear  that  there  was  as  much  or  more  aristocracy  in  this 
village  than  in  any  other  in  the  northern  half  of  Wiyot  territory. 


260 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Tom  Brown  belonged  to  the  leading  family.  His  grandfather  was 
born  on  site  7,  and  obtained  a wife  from  Eel  river.  His  father  was 
the  rich  and  influential  man  of  the  district  during  his  lifetime,  but  he 
died  during  the  childhood  of  Tom,  so  that  his  mother  reared  him  at 
her  old  home  on  Gunther  island,  site  67,  while  his  father’s  wealth  in 
woodpecker  scalps  and  dentalia  went  to  his  uncle,  Brokearm,  who 
gambled  most  of  it  away.  Jimmy  Barto  also  belonged  to  an  aristo- 
cratic family,  both  his  grandfather  and  his  great-grandmother  pos- 
sessing wealth.  While  Tom  Brown  boasted  of  his  ancestry,  he  said 
that  the  father  and  grandfather  of  Aleck  Sam  were  poor.  Aleck  Sam ’s 
mother  was  from  Elk  river,  and  he  claimed  Mad  River  Bill  of  site  9 
as  his  cousin. 

There  were  no  chiefs,  properly  speaking,  that  is,  men  invested 
with  political  authority,  either  among  the  Wiyot  or  any  of  their  neigh- 
bors. But  there  were  men  who  enjoyed  distinction  because  of  their 
wealth,  and  these  exercised  a sort  of  advisory  influence  not  possessed 
by  the  ordinary  man.  These  leading  men  are  known  by  the  whites  of 
Humboldt  county  as  “mauweemas.”  This,  as  well  as  the  term  for 
dentalium  shell  money,  allikochik,49  seem  to  be  fully  incorporated  into 
the  English  language  so  far  as  this  region  is  concerned.  All  disputes, 
even  murder,  were  settled  by  the  payment  of  dentalium — an  arrange- 
ment which  put  the  rich  man  at  considerable  advantage,  since  it 
enabled  him  to  do  about  as  he  pleased  and  then  “settle  quick.” 
Brokearm,  also  called  Captain  Joe,  was  the  mauweema  of  the  group 
of  villages  near  the  mouth  of  Mad  river,  and  also  of  those  on  Mad 
river  slough  down  to  site  35.  Captain  Jim,  the  mauweema  of  the 
northern  half  of  Humboldt  bay,  made  a dance  on  Gunther  island,  site 
67,  in  February,  1860,  when  the  Indians  were  taken  by  surprise  and 
massacred  by  a few  lawless  whites.  But  luckily  for  the  people  of 
site  7,  they  had  a quarrel  with  Captain  Jim,  which  had  then  not  been 
settled,  so  none  of  them  attended  the  dance. 

Site  6. — This  was  practically  an  outlying  portion  of  the  village 
just  described,  but  it  had  a separate  name  in  both  the  Wiyot  and  the 
Athapascan  languages.  There  was  also  a separate  archaeological 
deposit  consisting  of  dark  colored  soil  and  many  rocks,  with  a few  par- 
ticles of  shell  and  charcoal  at  the  widely  scattered  gopher  holes,  situ- 
ated some  little  distance  up  the  hill  from  site  7.  Neither  site  makes 
much  of  an  archaeological  showing,  but  of  the  two,  site  6 reveals  more 

49  A.  L.  Kroeber  states  that  both  terms  are  of  Yurok  origin,  the  first,  mewimar, 
meaning  old  man. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  261 


evidences  of  occupation,  so  that  it  may  be  considered  the  older  and 
longer  occupied  of  the  two.  But  on  the  other  hand,  site  7 has  been 
partly  undermined  by  the  river  which  has  left  a perpendicular  bank 
twenty  feet  high  and  exposed  an  archaeological  deposit  of  only  a few 
inches  in  thickness.  Hence  it  may  be  that  nearly  all  of  the  archaeo- 
logical evidence  of  the  former  importance  of  site  7 has  been  destroyed. 

On  site  6 there  was  one  house-pit  twenty-one  feet  in  diameter  and 
thirty  inches  deep.  At  the  bottom  of  the  pit,  a foot  below  the  sur- 
face, a pestle  fragment  was  found,  together  with  much  charcoal,  glass, 
tin,  nails,  and  other  refuse.  It  is  said  that  Brokearm,  who  was  so 
named  because  he  had  been  shot  in  the  arm  by  a white  man,  lived  here 
as  a blind  old  man  until  something  over  a dozen  years  ago,  when  his 
house  caught  fire  and  he  was  burnt  to  death,  unable  in  his  blindness 
to  save  himself. 

Site  C. — Located  on  the  Samuel  Turner  ranch  on  top  of  a bluff  to 
the  east  of  Mill  creek,  this  village  contained  five  or  six  permanent 
houses.  The  Athapascan  name,  kloche-naTin-tin,  ‘ ‘ flat  (?)  -creek- 
place,  ” was  given  because  there  was  a flat  place  near  the  adjacent 
Mill  creek.  In  the  summer  people  gathered  here  from  as  far  as  Samoa 
and  Bucksport  to  dry  fish  and  dance,  play  games,  shoot  with  bow  and 
arrow,  gamble,  and  do  other  things  of  a festive  nature. 

Sites  at  the  Bend  of  Mad  River 

This  was  a very  thickly  settled  district,  with  many  villages  so  close 
together  that,  at  the  present  time,  it  is  difficult  to  identify  them  with 
the  names  of  sites  secured  from  native  informants.  Site  9,  containing 
a considerable  bed  of  shell,  was  the  only  one  of  these  sites  actually 
visited  and  located  by  the  writer.  It  is  located  on  the  ranch  of 
W.  E.  Clark,  about  the  center  of  the  southeast  quarter  of  section  17, 
township  6 north,  range  1 east.  It  becomes  necessary  to  thus  definitely 
locate  this  place,  because  there  has  been  such  a great  change  in  the 
course  of  the  river  here,  which  formerly  made  a bend  of  over  a mile 
to  the  south  of  its  present  channel.  However,  this  change  seems  to 
be  due  to  a definite  local  cause  rather  than  to  any  general  migratory 
character  of  the  river  bed,  such  as  we  find  in  the  delta  of  Eel  river. 
Mad  river  has  a fairly  definite  channel. 

The  cause  of  the  formation  of  this  great  bend  seems  to  be  revealed 
in  the  description  of  site  h.  Here  a tremendous  jam  of  logs  had  been 
piled  up  by  the  winter  floods.  It  is  possible  that  some  generations 
ago,  before  the  log  jam  was  formed,  the  river  had  a straight  channel 


262 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


as  at  present,  but  that  owing  to  the  obstruction  the  river  had  to  find 
a new  channel.  The  bend  to  the  south  ran  shallow,  so  that  fish  could 
be  easily  taken  during  the  semiannual  run,  hence  the  unusually  large 
population  in  the  vicinity.  The  Indians  burnt  the  jam  at  site  h one 
summer.  After  that  the  place  was  a noted  feeding  ground  for  elk. 
There  was  also  a good  place  for  taking  eels  and  salmon  near  this 
village,  yet  it  contained  only  three  houses  within  the  memory  of  Aleck 
Sam.  After  the  whites  came,  they  cut  a ditch  across  the  peninsula-like 
bend,  and  the  force  of  the  current  ripped  out  a new  channel,  tearing 
out  great  trees  and  straightening  the  river  once  more. 

Site  9,  Wiyot  name  betser,  had  five  or  six  houses  with  many  people, 
according  to  Aleck  Sam,  and  here  his  cousin,  Mad  River  Bill,  was 
born.  The  Athapascan  name  for  the  same  place  seems  to  be  tidil’-tin. 
The  meaning  of  this  is  said  to  be  “ smooth  river  to  catch  salmon  in.” 

Besides  sites  h and  9,  Jim  Brock  mentioned  three  other  sites,  and 
Tom  Brown  two,  but  whether  those  mentioned  by  Tom  Brown  are  the 
same  as  those  described  by  Jim  Brock,  the  writer  is  not  at  all  certain. 
Diagonally  across  the  river  and  downstream  from  tidil’-tin  (site  9) 
was  tachenkalchwhe-ten  (Athapascan,  site  i).  This  was  said- to  be 
one  of  the  largest  villages.  The  name  was  said  to  refer  to  the  Indians 
digging  out  and  eating  certain  kinds  of  fern  roots,  tdchenka’.  The 
first  village  above  the  county  bridge  on  the  south  side  of  Mad  river, 
klichibot  (Wiyot,  site  i?),  had  a large  graveyard  and  abounded  in 
willows  suitable  for  making  eel  pots. 

Diagonally  across  the  river  downstream  from  tidil’-tin,  near  a 
little  creek,  was  another  village,  klokw5'-sesko-ten,  ‘ 1 sturgeon-  ?-place  ’ ’ 
(Athapascan,  site  j).  Here  the  Indians  used  to  spear  sturgeon. 
Tokelerboku'  (Wiyot,  site  j)  seems  to  be  the  same  place,  except  that 
in  the  description  salmon  is  substituted  for  sturgeon,  for  here  there 
was  shallow  water  where  the  Indians  lined  up  and  speared  the  fish  as 
they  passed. 

Opposite  tidil’-tin,  at  a prairie,  was  klokai-kemeklok  (Athapascan, 
site  k),  said  to  mean  “they  grow  like  wild  oats.”  The  wild  oats, 
klokd’,  were  gathered  and  pounded  into  meal. 

Prom  pioneers  living  in  Areata,  the  following  information  was 
obtained  regarding  the  group  of  villages  about  the  bend  of  the  river. 
One  stated  that  there  were  probably  twenty  houses,  including  one 
sweat-house,  covered  with  earth,  within  two  hundred  to  three  hun- 
dred yards  of  each  other,  situated  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Another 
said  that  about  all  the  Indians  of  this  vicinity  lived  on  an  area  of 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Arcihaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  263 


thirty  acres.  A third  informant,  who  was  often  present  at  their 
dances,  estimated  that  two  hundred  to  three  hundred  Indians  gathered 
at  their  summer  festivities,  erecting  very  large  conical  bark  and  brush 
houses.  At  such  times  the  square  plank  houses  were  but  few  in  com- 
parison to  the  temporary  conical  houses. 

The  leading  Indian  of  this  vicinity  was  called  by  the  whites  £ ‘ Old 
Mauweema,  ’ ’ and  his  son  was  variously  known  as  Indian  Billy,  Short 
Billy,  Bat  Head  Billy,  Mad  River  Bill,  and  Skoyer  Bill,50  that  is, 
good  Bill  (Yurok  skuyu,  good),  since  he  was  deemed  good  enough  to 
be  honored  with  a burial  in  Areata  cemetery  when  he  died  several 
years  ago  at  the  age  of  about  seventy-six.  The  community,  in  thus 
honoring  him,  endeavored  to  pay  back  in  some  measure  the  debt  due 
him  for  what  he  had  suffered  when  lawless  members  of  the  white  race 
treacherously  took  from  him  in  a single  hour  his  wife,  mother,  sister, 
two  brothers,  and  two  little  children. 

After  the  massacre  on  Gunther  island  in  1860  three  canoe  loads 
of  dead  were  buried  across  the  river  from  the  Clark  place.  Twenty 
years  ago,  when  the  place  was  purchased  by  Mr.  Clark,  there  were 
17  graves  within  40  feet  of  each  other  on  site  9,  the  position  being 
marked  by  head  boards  4 feet  high,  and  foot  boards  12  to  18  inches 
high,  made  of  split  stuff  about  3 inches  thick  and  20  inches  wide. 
When  the  ground  was  ploughed  the  following  year,  many  glass  beads 
and  ab alone  pendants  were  found.  Many  graves  were  obliterated  by 
sediment  deposited  by  a freshet  about  1875,  when  all  the  country 
about  was  flooded.  But  there  were  graveyards  in  the  vicinity  previous 
to  the  massacre,  for  twenty-five  or  thirty  graves  were  seen  on  one 
site  about  1850. 


Sites  Near  Blue  Lake 


In  the  spring  of  1850  the  whites  cut  a trail  from  Areata  to  Mad 
river,  thence  along  the  river  to  Blue  Lake,  then  past  the  Arrow 
Tree,  site  ah,  over  the  ridge  to  Redwood  creek,  and  eastward  to  the 
mines,  part  of  the  way  following  old  Indian  trails.  Scattered  along 
the  river,  between  the  bend  and  Blue  Lake,  there  were  half  a dozen 
small  villages  or  camps.  That  is,  about  every  mile  there  was  an 
Indian  house  or  two.  High  hills  flanked  both  sides  of  the  river,  and 
the  forest  was  dense,  so  the  population  here  was  not  large.  But  near 
Blue  Lake  the  conditions  were  more  favorable.  There  was  here  a 


50  There  is  a single  unconfirmed  report  by  a white  man  that  ‘ ‘ Indian  Billy  ’ ’ 
died  about  fifteen  years  ago  and  was  buried  on  the  south  side  of  Hall  creek. 
Hence  it  is  possible  that  these  various  names  refer  to  two  different  Indians. 


264  University  of  California  Publictions  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

valley,  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  North  fork  with  the  main  river, 
which  contained  several  patches  of  prairie,  notably  at  sites  ae  and  ai, 
besides  the  more  extensive  ones  on  the  ridges.  There  were  good  fish- 
ing holes  on  the  North  fork  where  the  Indians  regularly  camped, 
especially  a hole  at  site  af  which  is  twelve  feet  deep  even  during  the 
dry  season  (pi.  6,  fig.  1).  Another  fishing  place  was  at  site  ag  at  the 
base  of  a waterfall  blocking  the  advance  of  salmon. 

As  a result  of  these  natural  advantages,  it  appears  that  the  vicinity 
of  Blue  Lake  was  a populous  center  a few  years  before  the  arrival  of 
the  whites  and  before  the  murderous  raid  of  the  Chilula  previously 
mentioned.  Before  the  massacre  the  territory  was  unquestionably 
Wiyot,  but  after  that  time,  and  especially  after  the  whites  came  and 
did  away  with  tribal  feuds,  the  Indian  population  became  somewhat 
mixed  by  intermarriage,  there  being  then  a considerable  number  of 
Chilula.  It  is  reported  that  in  1850  there  were  twenty  houses  built 
of  slabs  and  poles  within  a radius  of  two  miles  from  the  present  vil- 
lage of  Blue  Lake.  The  writer  is  not  unwilling  to  believe  that  there 
may  have  been  twenty  houses  standing,  but  is  inclined  to  think  that 
that  number  could  not  have  been  inhabited  in  1850. 

The  account  of  the  size  of  these  houses  as  given  by  one  pioneer 
differs  from  the  usual  description.  He  said  that  most  of  the  houses 
were  about  twenty  feet  square,  and  made  of  redwood  planks  with  the 
roof  close  to  the  ground,  the  floor  being  paved  with  stones.  The 
sweat-houses  were  covered  with  earth.  None  of  the  other  informants 
estimated  Wiyot  houses  to  be  over  sixteen  feet  square.  The  largest 
house-pit  measured  by  the  writer  was  that  of  Brokearm  on  site  6,  it 
being  a little  less  than  twenty-one  feet  in  diameter.  When  we  allow 
for  the  caving  of  the  soil,  the  size  of  the  house  would  be  somewhat 
less.  Besides  it  is  not  known  that  this  was  a primitive  Indian  house. 
Of  several  pits  on  site  84  the  two  largest  measured  only  eighteen  feet 
in  diameter.  Hence  we  must  conclude  either  that  the  houses  at  Blue 
Lake  were  somewhat  larger  than  the  average  Wiyot  house,  or  else 
that  the  informant,  being  more  familiar  with  the  houses  on  Redwood 
creek  and  Trinity  and  Klamath  rivers,  may  have  overestimated  the 
size  of  the  houses  here.  Goddard,  who  had  opportunity  for  measuring 
Hupa  houses,  states  that  they  were  about  twenty  feet  square.51  Not 
only  was  the  Wiyot  house  smaller  than  that  of  the  Hupa,  but  it  was 
different  in  other  respects,  none  of  them  having  the  square  pit  entered 
with  a ladder,  as  described  by  Goddard. 


si  P.  E.  Goddard,  present  series,  I,  13,  1903. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  265 


Site  Y. — After  the  time  of  the  massacre  by  the  Chilula,  a new 
village  was  established  at  Blue  Lake.  Its  Athapascan  name  was  itsin- 
ohogindis-ten,  “go  down- ?-place,’ ’ because  there  was  a trail  from 
Liscom  hill  down  to  the  village.  Aleck  Sam  mentioned  four  houses 
with  the  following  occupants:  1,  Kneeland  Jack’s  father,  who  was  a 
mauweema,  Kneeland  Jack  being  a half  brother  to  our  informant, 
Jim  Brock;  2,  Blue  Lake  Bob’s  father,  who  was  born  on  site  7 and 
married  a Chilula;  3,  Short  Bill’s52  father,  who  originally  came  from 
site  34 ; 4,  an  old  fellow  who  spoke  the  Athapascan  language. 

Site  AD. — John  Stevens  said  that  there  was  formerly  a sweat- 
house  here,  a house  or  two  of  planks,  and  three  or  four  bark  houses. 
The  people  would  camp  in  various  places  in  summer,  but  in  winter, 
when  they  had  nowhere  else  to  go,  would  come  home  to  this  place. 
It  was  given  the  name  mis-kene'hu-ten,  “bluff- ?-place,”  because  it 
was  situated  in  front  of  a bluff  where  there  are  sometimes  landslides. 

In  the  villages  about  Blue  Lake,  the  Wiyot  had  both  plank  houses 
and  bark  houses.  Down  river  there  were  mostly  plank  houses  with 
very  few  of  bark,  while  up  river  it  was  the  reverse. 


Sites  on  Mad  Diver  Slough 


Site  33. — This  village  was  referred  to  as  “a  regular  rancheria” 
wdien  the  whites  first  came,  a statement  which  is  confirmed  by  the 
numbers  of  skeletons  that  have  been  found  here  with  white  man’s 
articles  buried  with  them.  The  village  was  situated  on  a sand-dune 
point  reaching  down  through  the  marsh  to  the  slough.  The  site  is  now 
occupied  by  farm  buildings,  but  though  it  has  beeu  much  disturbed,  it 
still  shows  a deposit  of  shell,  mostly  the  soft-shell  mussel,  twelve 
inches  thick  in  places. 

Site  34. — Sand-dunes  covered  with  beach  pine  and  huckleberry 
bushes  here  reach  inland  to  the  slough,  where  there  is  a bank  twenty 
or  thirty  feet  high.  There  is  a deposit  of  shell,  several  inches  in 
depth,  mostly  soft-shell  mussel  and  soft-shell  clam,  with  a few  shells 
of  other  species,  extending  several  hundred  feet  along  the  top  of  the 
ridge  close  to  the  slough.  At  one  spot  numerous  pelican  bones  were 
found.  There  are  two  deep  house-pits  measuring  eighteen  feet  in 
diameter,  and  six  smaller  and  less  definite  depressions. 


52  Aleck  Sam  said  that  the  wife,  or  possibly  the  mother  (the  writer  failed  to 
understand  which)  of  Short  Bill  was  a Chilula.  Whether  or  not  the  two  Indians 
(Short  Bill  and  Skoyer  Bill)  are  the  same,  Mr.  Lindsey  said  that  Skoyer  Bill  had 
a Chilula  wife. 


266 


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There  is  a double  row  of  graves  near  by  with  beadposts  varying 
in  size  from  iy2  to  2 inches  thick,  4 to  16  inches  wide,  and  from  1 to 
3 y2  feet  high.  The  position  of  seven  graves  can  be  determined  at  the 
present  time,  and  Mr.  C.  S.  Ellis,  whose  father  purchased  the  place 
about  1890,  says  that  there  might  have  been  twenty  graves  at  that 
time.  They  were  then  visited  annually  in  September,  during  the 
huckleberry  season,  by  parties  of  mourners  who  came  from  Mad  river 
in  canoes.  Aleck  Sam  said  that  Short  Bill’s  father,  living  at  least 
part  of  the  time  at  site  y,  “ belonged  to”  this  place.  It  has  now  been 
about  twenty  years  since  the  mourners  have  come.  Another  inform- 
ant stated  that  Captain  Jim,  the  mauweema  of  the  northern  part  of 
Humboldt  bay,  died  at  this  village  but  was  buried  on  the  North  Spit 
opposite  Eureka. 

Amongst  other  badly  decayed  lumber  scattered  over  the  graves 
are  to  be  seen  fragments  of  a canoe.  Mr.  Ellis  says  that  formerly 
there  were  several  but  slightly  broken  canoes  on  the  graves.  It  seems 
that  it  was  formerly  a common  practice  to  leave  broken  canoes  on 
graves;  since  they  can  be  seen  at  the  present  time  not  only  at  this 
place  but  also  at  graves  on  site  a.  Mr.  Ellis  has  in  his  possession, 
obtained  from  this  site,  over  thirty  arrow  points  (text  fig.  13),  several 
abalone  pendants  and  seventy  large  spherical  glass  beads,  each  1%6 
of  an  inch  in  diameter. 

Thinking  that  these  graves  might  be  those  of  victims  of  the  Gun- 
ther island  massacre,  the  writer  made  inquiry  of  Dandy  Bill,  who 
attributed  them  to  persons  who  died  naturally.  He  seemed  quite 
positive  that  these  graves  were  not  the  result  of  the  massacre,  although 
one  or  two  of  those  buried  here  might  have  been  killed  by  whites  at 
other  times,  as  was  an  altogether  common  occurrence  in  pioneer  days. 


Sites  Near  Eureka 

Site  67. — This  was  one  of  the  most  important  villages  on  Humboldt 
bay  and  was  situated  on  an  immense  shellmound  at  the  northeast 
extremity  of  Gunther  island.  When  Robert  Gunther  obtained  pos- 
session in  1860,  there  was  a pine  tree  two  feet  in  diameter  on  the  center 
of  the  mound;  all  the  remainder  was  covered  with  bushes  except 
that  on  the  eastern  part  of  the  mound  a small  cleared  space  was  occu- 
pied by  an  Indian  village  (see  plan  of  the  mound,  plate  11). 

Tom  Brown  says  there  were  nine  houses  with  the  following  occu- 
pants: 1,  mother  of  Tom  Brown;  2,  San  Francisco  John  and  Mary, 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  267 


aunt  of  Tom  Brown ; 3,  Tom,  brother-in-law  of  Tom  Brown ; 4,  another 
Tom;  5,  Jack;  6,  Judas;  7,  Captain  Jim,  father  of  Jerry;  8,  uncle  of 
Jerry;  9,  the  sweat-house. 

Robert  Gunther  described  the  type  of  house  found  here  and  drew 
some  plans,  which  are  reproduced,  with  but  slight  changes,  in  text 
figure  1.  The  usual  size  was  sixteen  feet  square,  a very  small  house 
being  twelve  feet.  The  sides  of  the  house  were  of  redwood  planks  four 
or  five  feet  wide,  placed  on  edge,  and  reaching  to  the  eaves.  Holes 
were  burnt  and  the  planks  tied  together  with  withes.  Under  the  roof, 
reaching  across  the  open  space,  were  three  or  four  poles  or  beams. 


/6'  square 


V) 

(U 

_Ci 

a. 

o> 

•£ 

'5. 

Q> 

<0 

partition 

door  passage-way 

Lo  r --  : 


Fig.  1.  Ground-plan  and  vertical  cross-section  of  a Wiyot  house. 


The  door  was  a round  hole,  eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  in  one  corner 
of  the  house.  Twenty  inches  back  from  the  door  there  was  a partition 
extending  nearly  the  entire  width  of  the  house.  To  enter  one  had  first 
to  stick  an  arm  and  shoulder  into  the  door,  then,  on  entering,  make  a 
sharp  turn  to  the  right  and  go  down  the  passage  way  to  the  right  side 
of  the  house,  where  there  was  a break  in  the  partition.  In  the  center 
of  the  house  there  was  a pit  six  or  eight  inches  deep,  which  contained 
the  fire  place.  There  was  no  provision  for  the  escape  of  smoke,  which 
filled  the  house  and  filtered  through  the  cracks  as  best  it  could.  The 
shell  refuse  was  piled  about  the  house  until  it  nearly  reached  the 
eaves.  Then  the  planks  were  pulled  up  to  a higher  level. 

The  sweat-house  was  half  underground,  at  least  sixteen  feet  square, 
having  a door  or  scuttle  in  the  roof  near  the  southwest  corner,  where 
the  roof  was  four  feet  above  the  floor,  though  in  the  farther  corners 
the  roof  was  higher  above  the  floor.  In  taking  a sweat-bath  the  per- 
spiration was  scraped  from  the  body  with  a stick  or  bone.  This  house 
was  also  used  for  smoking  fish. 


268 


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As  Robert  Gunther  recollects,  there  were  six  houses  in  all  at  the 
time  of  the  massacre  on  February  26,  1860 : one  shack  in  the  white 
man’s  style,  one  sweat-house,  and  three  houses  of  the  usual  type, 
besides  one  that  had  just  been  burnt.  The  latter  was  situated  some- 
what apart  from  the  others,  being  within  the  limits  of  what  now  con- 
stitutes the  chicken  yards,  while  the  others  were  near  where  the 
present  cabins  are  located.  He  estimated  that  there  may  have  been 
a population  of  fifty  or  sixty  living  at  the  village  previous  to  that 
time. 

Estimates  of  the  population  at  this  village  in  1850  have  been 
placed  much  higher,  but  after  the  introduction  of  certain  diseases  by 
the  whites,  the  population  decreased  somewhat,  though  tending  to 
remain  stationary  owing  to  the  number  of  refugees  seeking  a home 
here  after  being  driven  from  localities  on  the  mainland.  This  village 
was  important  in  another  respect,  it  being  the  seat  of  an  annual  dance 
ceremony  held  in  the  latter  part  of  February  and  lasting  for  about 
a week. 

Site  68. — This  was  a village  of  great  importance  some  years  previ- 
ous to  the  coming  of  the  whites,  perhaps  of  greater  importance  than 
site  67,  but  by  1850  it  had  fallen  to  a secondary  place.  It  was  situated 
on  another  large  shellmound  near  the  center  of  Gunther  island.  On 
the  top  of  the  mound  there  is  a level  flat  which  Gunther  says  was  used 
for  dancing.  It  is  stated  that  in  1850  there  were  about  one-third  as 
many  Indians  living  here  as  on  site  67,  and  that  the  last  family  moved 
to  the  latter  village  in  1857  when  Captain  Moore  took  up  eighty 
acres  on  the  island  and  began  to  build  a house  on  the  central  mound. 

Site  65. — This  village  was  located  at  the  base  of  the  bluff  on  the 
point  of  land  now  occupied  by  the  Occidental  mill  in  Eureka.  A con- 
siderable number  of  Indians  lived  here  in  1852,  there  being  at  least 
three  or  four  houses,  but  they  were  driven  out  soon  afterwards,  going 
probably  to  Gunther  island.  Mussel  and  clam  shell  can  be  seen  be- 
neath some  of  the  buildings  and  lumber  stacks. 

Site  58. — A pioneer  stated  that  a village  was  located  on  a shell 
deposit  near  the  present  brickyards53  on  Eureka  slough.  Lucas 
Prairie  was  situated  up  the  hill  back  of  the  village.  It  is  said  that 
there  were  eight  or  ten  houses  in  1858,  though  this  number  may  be  a 
little  large.  At  that  time  Nicodemus,  Captain  Jim,  San  Francisco 
John,  and  several  others  were  living  there.  Captain  Jim,  the  mau- 

53  The  recent  village  ikatchipi  may  possibly  have  been  located  at  site  57 
instead  of  site  58  (see  illustration,  pi.  7,  fig.  1). 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  269 

weema,  had  his  main  home  on  Gunther  island,  but  he  was  living  at 
the  time  in  this  village  drying  fish.  San  Francisco  John  was  so  named 
because  he  had  visited  the  great  metropolis,  which  in  his  own  estima- 
tion set  him  considerably  above  his  fellows.  It  is  said  that  he  became 
“sassy”  to  the  whites,  for  which  reason  certain  lumbermen  raided  his 
village,  shot  and  wounded  him,  and  killed  Nicodemus.  San  Francisco 
John  was  riddled  with  half  a dozen  shots,  being  wounded  in  the  side 
and  in  the  hand  and  having  his  arm  and  his  jaw  broken,  but  he 
“doctored  up”  on  Gunther  island  and  lived  there  until  the  massacre. 
The  Indian  account  of  this  shooting  will  be  given  later. 

Site  17. — This  village  was  located  on  the  North  Spit  about  a quar- 
ter of  a mile  south  of  the  Fairhaven  shipyards.  Shell  of  various 
species,  including  soft  shell  mussel,  is  scattered  here  over  a consider- 
able area  with  three  main  centers  of  deposit.  When  L.  K.  Wood’s 
exploring  party  came  down  the  coast  “riding  on  the  backs  of  big  elks 
having  long  tails,”  they  stopped  two  days  near  this  village.  When 
they  found  their  advance  southward  blocked  by  the  entrance  to  the 
harbor,  they  turned  back  and  were  guided  around  the  north  end  of 
the  bay  by  an  Indian  from  this  village,  who  was  killed  by  the  whites 
some  years  later.  Captain  Jim,  the  mauweema,  made  this  village  his 
headquarters  a great  deal  of  the  time,  he  and  his  relatives  occupying 
four  or  five  houses.  He  was  living  here  in  1873  and  for  four  or  five 
years  afterwards,  having  escaped  the  Gunther  island  massacre, 
although  his  wife  was  killed  there. 

According  to  A.  L.  Kroeber,54  a dance  similar  to  the  Jumping 
dance  of  the  Yurok  and  Hupa  was  held  indoors  at  this  place,  lasting 
about  five  days.  At  the  dance  obsidian  blades  were  used,  but  were 
hung  by  strings  on  the  breast  instead  of  being  held  in  the  hand  as  in 
the  White  Deerskin  dance  of  the  Yurok  and  Hupa. 

Site  73. — This  village  was  located  close  to  the  bay  shore  in  Bucks- 
port  near  the  present  terminus  of  the  street  car  line.  One  white  in- 
formant reported  that  there  were  eight  or  ten  plank  houses  there  in 
1851.  During  recent  years,  Jerry,  the  son  of  Captain  Jim,  has  made 
his  home  in  Bucksport. 

Sites  Near  the  Hart)  or  Entrance 

Site  112 . — This  village  was  situated  on  the  South  Spit  near  the 
entrance  to  the  harbor.  It  was  the  boyhood  home  of  Dandy  Bill,  who 
was  the  writer’s  most  satisfactory  informant  and  a very  lovable  char- 


54  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xxi,  38,  1908. 


270 


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acter.  He  was  about  twelve  years  old,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Captain  H.  H.  Buhne,  when  the  latter  entered  the  harbor  in  1850. 
Dandy  Bill  said  that  most  of  the  shell  deposit  there  has  been  washed 
away.  He  also  said  that  there  were  many  graves,  but  the  writer  failed 
to  inquire  whether  these  existed  before  or  after  the  massacre  which 
occurred  here  February  26,  1860,  on  the  same  night  as  at  Gunther 
island.  In  1860  there  were  ten  houses  besides  the  sweat-house,  scat- 
tered about  over  a rather  wide  area,  and  containing  a population  of 
at  least  fifty-one  before  the  massacre.  Some  of  the  leading  men  of 
this  village  were:  Kiwelattah  or  Old  Coonskin,55  the  mauweema,  and 
uncle  of  Dandy  Bill;  Shasepee,  brother  of  Old  Coonskin;  Coonskin 
Ned,  the  son  of  Old  Coonskin ; Doctor  and  Jim,  who  lived  together  in 
the  same  house ; Captain  J oe,  Sherman  George,  Peter,  and  Ben. 

Site  77. — This  village  was  located  at  the  mouth  of  Elk  river,  which 
had  the  same  name  as  the  village,  ikso'ri.  According  to  the  United 
States  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  chart  of  1858  (see  pi.  3),  the  mouth 
of  Elk  river  was  formerly  half  a mile  farther  north  than  at  present, 
with  a sandspit  between  the  river  and  the  bay.  The  village  was  on 
this  sandspit,  which  has  since  been  washed  away.  Old  Coonskin,55 
the  mauweema,  used  to  live  here  part  of  the  time.  It  appears  from 
the  reports  of  white  informants,  that  there  were  not  more  than  half 
a dozen  houses,  though  Dandy  Bill  said  that  many  people  used  to  live 
here. 

Site  79. — This  village  was  located  on  Buhnes  Point,  otherwise 
known  as  Humboldt  Point,  which  was  the  first  place  on  the  bay  where 
a town  was  laid  out,  under  the  name  of  Humboldt  City.  For  this 
reason  the  site  ceased  to  be  occupied  as  an  Indian  village  after  1850. 
White  informants  speak  of  numerous  graves  at  this  site,  and  from 
Dandy  Bill  it  would  appear  that  it  was  either  an  important  ancient 
site  or  a place  of  traditional  or  mythological  interest.  The  site  has 
now  been  washed  away.  L.  K.  Wood  in  his  narrative  of  discovery56 
mentions  stopping  there  December  27,  1849,  in  these  words : 

The  next  day  we  followed  down  the  bay,  crossing  Elk  river,  to  Humboldt  Point. 
Here  we  were  visited  by  the  Chief  of  the  tribe  of  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
bay,  who  was  an  elderly  and  very  dignified  and  intelligent  Indian.  He  appeared 
very  friendly  and  seemed  disposed  to  afford  us  every  means  of  comfort  in  his 
power.  He  supplied  us  with  a quantity  of  clams,  upon  which  we  feasted  sumptu- 
ously. . . . This  old  man’s  name  we  learn  was  Ki-we-lat-tah.  He  is  still  living 
on  the  bay  (1856)  and  has  always  been  known  as  a quiet  and  friendly  Indian. 

55  Mentioned  below  in  the  description  of  site  79,  also  in  the  quotation  from 
L.  K.  Wood  under  the  heading,  Gold  Seekers’  Rush  in  1850. 

56  L.  K.  Wood,  op.  cit.,  p.  90. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  271 


Sites  at  the  South  End  of  the  Bay 

Site  86. — This  was  a permanent  village  situated  close  to  the  hay 
near  Whites  slough  where  a creek  came  down. 

Site  92. — This  village  was  at  the  upper  end  of  Hookton  slough. 
In  addition  to  being  a small,  nearly  permanent  village,  it  was  also  a 
camping  place  for  larger  parties.  Dandy  Bill’s  father  used  to  live 
here  at  times. 

Site  102. — The  mauweema  Kiwelattah,  his  three  brothers,  and  per- 
' baps  several  others,  built  houses  here  on  a point  of  land  which  they 
occupied  at  irregular  intervals  when  gathering  clams  on  the  mud  flats* 
which  are  here  more  extensive  than  elsewhere  on  the  southern  half  of 
the  bay.  For  this  reason  the  site  assumes  a much  greater  importance 
archaeologically  than  the  majority  of  the  modern  villages.  There  was 
a trail  connecting  this  site  with  Eel  river  by  way  of  Table  Bluff,  and 
although  the  spot  is  described  as  a frequent  camping  place,  it  was 
important  enough  to  possess  a sweat-house. 

Sites  on  Eel  River 

As  previously  stated  under  the  heading  of  Fauna,  Eel  river  was 
formerly  one  of  the  best  rivers  of  California  for  fishing  and  sup- 
ported a comparatively  numerous  population.  Dandy  Bill  said  that 
when  he  was  a boy,  anyone  camping  at  night  on  Table  Bluff  could  see 
many  lights  scattered  all  along  the  river.  Besides  the  regular  perma- 
nent villages,  there  were  camping  places  during  the  fishing  season  for 
people  living  at  a distance.  One  of  these  camping  places  was  site  ax. 
This  contained  seven  houses  or  more,  occupied  during  the  fishing  sea- 
son by  the  father  and  uncles  of  Dandy  Bill  as  well  as  by  Captain  Joe 
and  others  from  site  112. 

The  chief  village  was  site  aq,  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
near  its  mouth,  surrounded  by  sloughs.  The  spot  was  formerly  occu- 
pied by  a fish  cannery,  but  this  has  now  been  washed  away.  For 
salmon  fishing  a village  downstream  always  has  the  advantage  of  those 
upstream,  because  the  fish  run  up.  It  was  stated  that  site  aq  had  very 
many  houses  with  an  extraordinary  number  of  very  wealthy  men. 
This  village  was  on  friendly  terms  with  the  villages  near  Eureka 
because  Captain  Jim,  the  mauweema,  obtained  a wife  here. 

The  writer  did  not  get  as  many  facts  regarding  the  other  villages 
on  Eel  river  as  would  be  desirable,  but  it  was  stated  that  sites  av,  aw, 
az,  and  ba  had  each  many  houses  and  many  people.  Sites  ar  and  au 


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were  also  important.  Site  ba  was  mentioned  as  having  an  extraordi- 
nary number  of  graves.  The  Indians  of  Eel  river  had  their  full 
share  of  troubles  with  the  whites,  which  matter  will  be  treated  sep- 
arately below. 

MINOE  SETTLEMENTS  AND  CAMP  SITES  IN  1850 

Sites  6,  h,  r,  ae,  ai,  ag,  ah,  and  am  have  already  been  mentioned.57 
Other  sites  deserving  of  notice  are  as  follows: 

Jim  Brock  said  that  the  Jumping  dance  used  to  be  held  at  site  e, 
but  as  no  one  else  mentioned  any  dance  at  that  place  the  writer  sus- 
pects there  has  been  a confusion  with  site  c. 

Site  14,  at  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  was  sometimes  used  as  a 
camping  place  for  clam  roasting.  Soldiers  also  detained  the  Wiyot 
Indians  here  for  a time  after  the  massacre  of  February,  1860,  before 
taking  them  to  the  reservations.  Some  died  and  were  buried  here  at 
that  time,  and  drifting  sands  have  since  exposed  skeletons  with  blue 
cloth  and  soldier  buttons.  At  several  other  places  on  the  North  Spit 
glass  beads  and  other  articles  derived  from  white  men  have  been  found. 

Site  31  had  two  houses,  and  is  one  of  several  places  where  Captain 
Jim  lived  at  times,  especially  during  the  September  huckleberry  sea- 
son. It  would  seem  that  some  of  the  rich  men  had  about  as  many 
different  summer  houses,  winter  houses,  and  camps  as  the  very  wealthy 
do  among  us.  They  would  have  one  house  convenient  for  berry  pick- 
ing, another  where  certain  roots  and  herbs  were  plentiful,  a third  near 
extensive  clam  beds,  a fourth  at  a position  favorable  for  catching 
salmon,  a fifth  on  the  ocean  coast  for  surf -fishing,  and  so  on.  Then, 
as  one  Indian  put  it,  ‘ ‘ in  the  winter  time,  when  they  had  nowhere  else 
to  go,  they  went  home.”  Captain  Jim  had  houses  at  sites  17,  31,  58, 
and  67,  while  Dandy  Bill  speaks  of  living  as  a boy  at  sites  90,  92, 
102,  112,  114,  and  ax. 

Site  39  was  situated  on  Daniels  slough,  which  was  navigable  for 
canoes  at  high  tide,  and  was  used  in  traveling  between  the  Mad  river 
bend  settlements  and  the  bay.  Two  paternal  uncles  of  Dandy  Bill 
lived  here.  Areata  Prairie,  which  produced  an  abundance  of  the  spe- 
cies of  parsley  previously  mentioned,  was  near  by. 

Site  45  had  at  least  two  houses  and  twenty-five  or  thirty  inhabit- 
ants in  1852.  It  was  a small  but  permanent  village  at  that  time,  situ- 
ated near  a slough  navigable  for  canoes,  and  also  near  the  old  Indian 
trail  that  went  around  the  bay.  By  1860  it  was  deserted  and  the 


57  See  pages  249,  252,  253,  355,  261,  262,  264. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  273 


house  planks  badly  rotted.  It  was  then  an  open  space  sixty  feet  across, 
covered  with  shell  and  surrounded  with  a tangled  thicket  of  rose 
bushes,  blackberry  bushes,  and  other  shrubs. 

Site  al  was  situated  near  the  mouth  of  Jacoby  creek.  There  were 
several  small  plank  houses  here  in  1856,  one  of  which  was  occupied 
by  Old  Harry,  who  used  to  come  during  the  salmon  fishing  season 
from  Gunther  island.  There  was  an  Indian  trail  going  up  to  Boynton 
Prairie  and  the  ridge  where  acorns  were,  gathered. 

Site  78,  situated  near  the  schoolhouse  on  Elk  river,  is  chiefly  of 
interest  because  of  myths  connected  with  the  place.  It  was  used 
as  a camping  place  where  salmon,  caught  in  the  river,  were  dried. 
The  party  with  L.  K.  "Wood  camped  here  one  night. 

Site  90  was  near  the  place  where  the  Indian  trail  crossed  Salmon 
creek.  Dandy  Bill’s  father  was  living  there  in  1849  when  Wood’s 
party  passed  down  the  coast.  He  acted  as  guide  from  Salmon  creek 
to  Eel  river,  site  bb. 

Site  91  was  a favorite  camping  place  for  periods  varying  from  a 
few  nights  to  six  months.  Parties  camped  at  different  times  over 
rather  scattered  areas  on  both  sides  of  the  creek,  which  was  here  just 
above  the  reach  of  the  tide. 

Site  bb  is  the  place  where  Wood’s  party  crossed  Eel  river.  It  was 
at  the  mouth  of  Strongs  creek,  but  the  course  of  the  river  has  changed 
greatly  at  this  point  since  1849. 

Above  Fortuna  the  population  thinned  out  rapidly,  until  the  last 
camping  place  at  the  mouth  of  Yan  Duzen  river  was  reached.  The 
first  important  Athapascan  village  on  Eel  river  was  at  Scotia  and 
was  called  tokenewoLok  in  Wiyot,  but  downstream  a mile  and  a half 
there  were  a few  houses  at  a place  called  tokemuk.  Some  of  the  people 
living  at  the  latter  place  were  Wiyot  intermarried  with  the  Atha- 
pascans. 

On  the  coast,  sites  114,  115,  and  117  were  used  at  times  by  the 
Wiyot  Indians  as  camping  places  when  they  caught  surf  fish  or  gath- 
ered mussels. 

PLACES  ABANDONED  PREVIOUS  TO  1850 

Several  places  were  mentioned  as  being  modern  village  sites  but 
abandoned  for  one  reason  or  another  some  time  previous  to  1850. 
Usually  the  cause  was  some  quarrel  or  tragedy  that  resulted  in  the 
making  of  many  new  graves,  after  which  the  survivors  preferred  to 
live  in  another  locality. 


274  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 

Site  Z. — This  was  the  chief  village  in  the  vicinity  of  Blue  Lake  at 
the  time  of  the  Chilula  attack,  only  a few  years  previous  to  the  coming 
of  the  whites,  who  report  seeing  thirty  or  forty  fresh  graves  as  the 
result  of  the  massacre.  Jim  Brock  said  that  the  place  was  populous, 
but  he  did  not  know  how  many  people  lived  there  at  the  time  they 
were  driven  out,  which  was  just  before  he  was  bom.  When  he  was 
a boy  there  were  about  a dozen  abandoned  plank  houses  still  standing, 
besides  a sweathouse.  These  were  burnt  at  the  time  of  the  war,  he 
said,  probably  meaning  the  Chilula  raid  in  August,  1862,  when  Bates 
Hotel  was  burned  and  several  whites  were  killed.  The  Athapascan 
name  of  the  place,  mis-kritikrit,  was  said  to  refer  to  the  steep  hillside 
on  one  side  of  the  village  and  a slough  or  old  channel  of  the  river  on 
the  other  side.  Jim  Brock  had  heard  that,  long  before  he  was  born, 
the  river  made  a bend  to  the  east  and  ran  through  the  channel  near 
the  village. 

Site  AE. — This  former  village  was  situated  on  what  appears  from 
a little  distance  to  be  a mound,  but  as  there  is  no  deposit  of  black  dirt 
or  any  other  archaeological  evidence,  it  is  probably  only  a river  bar 
deposited  by  the  North  fork.  John  Stevens  had  heard  from  his  father 
that  it  used  to  be  a permanent  village,  but  in  more  recent  times  it  was 
only  a camping  place  with  one  or  two  bark  houses. 

Site  22,  located  in  the  mill  yard  at  Samoa,  according  to  tradition 
once  had  a large  population. 

Site  23,  located  one  mile  north  ef  Samoa,  is  one  of  the  largest 
shellmounds  of  the  region  and  was  said  to  be  a regular  rancheria  one 
hundred  years  ago.  In  more  recent  times  Indians  living  on  Mad  river 
when  visiting  Gunther  island  used  to  walk  down  the  North  Spit  as 
far  as  this  site  and  then  shout  or  make  a smoke  to  attract  attention, 
when  the  people  on  the  island  would  cross  over  in  a canoe  to  get  them 
as  soon  as  the  tide  was  favorable.  Robert  Gunther  says  that  dances 
used  to  be  held  at  this  place. 

Site  69. — This  was  formerly  a very  important  village  near  the  rail- 
road station  in  Eureka.  Dandy  Bill  said  his  father  and  five  paternal 
uncles  were  born  here.  There  was  a fight  with  a neighboring  village, 
so  all  left  and  moved  towards  the  entrance  of  the  harbor. 

Site  81,  situated  on  a point  of  land,  now  washed  away,  half  a mile 
north  of  Bucksport,  is  a place  where  Dandy  Bill’s  grandfather  used  to 
live  part  of  the  time.  The  site  was  abandoned  before  Dandy  Bill  can 
remember. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  275 


Site  110. — This  was  a place  on  the  Sonth  Spit  where  someone  had 
begun  to  hollow  out  a canoe  from  a log.  The  name  of  the  place  has 
an  allusion  to  this  abandoned  log. 

AECHAEOLOGICAL  SITES 

The  writer  first  attempted  to  locate  the  various  ancient  deposits 
by  walking  along  the  shores  of  the  bay,  but  met  with  much  difficulty 
from  the  density  of  brier  bushes  and  underbrush  of  all  kinds,  as  well 
as  the  number  of  small  sloughs  reaching  up  between  points  of  land. 
Later  he  located  many  deposits  by  using  a boat,  and  in  so  doing  was 
impressed  with  the  fact  that  the  prehistoric  inhabitants  must  have 
been  users  of  canoes.  Even  were  there  no  large  deposits  on  islands 
this  conclusion  must  be  reached  because  of  the  close  relationship  be- 
tween most  of  the  deposits  and  small  sloughs  just  large  enough  to 
navigate  at  high  tide.  Many  of  the  deposits  were  situated  at  the  tip 
end  of  ridges  that  reached  out  into  the  marshes  and  approached  close 
to  these  small  sloughs.  This  relationship  of  villages  to  sloughs  is 
shown  in  one  of  the  maps  (pi.  2).  A somewhat  greater  number  of 
deposits  would  have  been  located,  if  all  of  the  shores  of  the  bay  had 
been  visited  by  boat  instead  of  by  walking.  There  were  only  about 
half  a dozen  deposits  situated  on  marshes,  these  being  chiefly  on  the 
islands  near  Eureka.  A greater  number  were  on  ridges  and  bluffs 
at  elevations  ranging  from  twenty  feet  to  over  one  hundred  feet. 

The  six  largest  shellmounds  that  are  in  evidence  at  the  present 
time  are  all  situated  within  a mile  and  a half  of  Eureka.  These  are, 
in  the  order  of  their  size,  sites  23,  67,  68,  61,  58,  and  69.  The  environ- 
ment of  these  mounds  will  be  discussed  below  under  the  description  of 
site  67,  where  an  excavation  was  made.  This  mound  is  irregularly 
pear  shaped,  600  feet  long  by  about  400  feet  wide,  and  14  feet  high. 
Site  68  is  a mound  of  about  the  same  size,  while  site  23  has  a deposit 
covering  a larger  area  even  though  it  may  not  be  greater  in  depth. 

On  the  northeast  shore  of  the  bay  at  site  48  there  is  a small  cres- 
cent shaped  shellmound  not  much  over  one  hundred  feet  in  length  and 
several  feet  in  depth,  covering  the  tip  of  Brainards  Point.  On  this 
mound  there  is  a fir  tree  twenty-seven  inches  in  diameter,  also  a spruce 
tree  and  a badly  decayed  stump  each  forty-five  inches  in  diameter. 

A mound  of  first-class  importance  could  be  expected  somewhere 
near  the  mouth  of  Jacoby  creek,  since  there  seems  to  be  here  the 
right  combination  of  wide  tide  flats  and  sloughs  navigable  for  canoes, 


276 


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as  well  as  a large  creek.  However,  there  are  indications  that  Jacoby 
creek  during  times  of  freshets  has  deposited  much  sediment  over 
this  area,  perhaps  covering  some  of  such  shell  deposits  as  exist.  The 
writer  has  learned  since  completing  his  field  work  that  there  are 
some  shell  deposits  in  this  section,  near  the  sloughs,  which  he  over- 
looked. 

The  North  Spit,  which  is  one-half  to  three-quarters  of  a mile  wide, 
with  elevations  reaching  eighty-five  feet,  is  composed  entirely  of  sand 
cast  up  by  the  combined  action  of  wind  and  wave.  Plate  8,  figure  1,  is 
a view  of  the  sand-dunes  encroaching  upon  the  timber  belt  to  the 
north  of  site  37.  Here  there  are  fresh  dunes  nearly  sixty  feet  in 
height,  half  burying  and  killing  spruce  trees  which  measure  two  and 
three  feet  in  diameter  where  they  reach  above  the  sands.  At  the  pres- 
ent time,  only  half  of  the  width  of  the  North  Spit  is  covered  with 
drifting  sands;  and  the  bay  shore,  being  protected  from  cold  ocean 
winds  by  the  high  sand  ridge  and  a belt  of  beach  pine,  is  a desirable 
place  for  habitation.  Doubtless  many  villages  have  been  established 
from  time  to  time  in  the  past  along  the  shore  between  Samoa  and 
Mad  River  slough  only  to  be  later  rendered  uninhabitable  by  en- 
croaching sands.58  Even  a moderate  amount  of  drifting  sand  would 
be  sufficiently  annoying  to  cause  a village  to  be  abandoned.  A super- 
ficial examination  of  several  sites  indicated  one  or  more  periods  of 
occupancy  followed  by  periods  of  abandonment.  At  no  place  was  a 
stratum  of  shell  found  to  be  over  two  feet  in  thickness,  and  more  often 
the  deposits  were  of  one  foot  or  less  alternating  with  layers  of  sand. 
Doubtless  shell  deposits  of  the  more  distant  past  are  deeply  buried 
under  large  sand-dunes. 

A number  of  sites  had  the  outward  form  of  mounds,  one  of  which 
is  illustrated  in  plate  8,  figure  2.  Other  sites  were  strung  along  the 
tops  of  sand-dune  ridges  where  they  came  close  to  the  bay.  At  site  32 
a ridge  with  an  elevation  of  thirty  or  forty  feet  extends  alongside 
Mad  River  slough.  The  top  for  a width  of  twenty -five  to  one  hundred 
feet,  and  a length  of  eight  hundred  to  a thousand  feet  is  covered  with 
shell  not  to  exceed  fifteen  inches  in  depth. 

Mussel  shell  of  the  small  thin  variety  is  conspicuous  on  nearly  all 
of  the  sites  along  the  North  Spit,  while  on  Gunther  island  it  would 
require  a diligent  saving  of  all  the  fragments  in  a whole  trench  in 
order  to  get  a handful. 


58  See  footnote  152  in  regard  to  site  31. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  277 


Along  the  east  shore  of  the  bay  to  the  south  of  Eureka  anything 
worthy  of  the  name  of  a mound  seems  to  be  lacking,  though  there  are 
reports  that  a number  of  sites  have  been  washed  away,  including 
sites  71,  77,  79,  and  85,  as  well  as  site  112  at  the  harbor  entrance. 
There  are  quite  a number  of  sites  on  the  top  of  the  bluffs  and  on  the 
hillsides.  The  South  Spit  is  low  and  narrow,  has  no  timber  or  shelter 
against  the  wind,  and  is  almost  overwashed  with  waves  at  times  of 
storm  occurring  at  seasons  of  extremely  high  tides.  Hence  it  doubt- 
less never  was  very  desirable  except  as  a camping  place. 

At  the  south  end  of  the  bay  there  are  two  places  where  shell 
deposits  reach  a depth  of  several  feet,  sites  98  and  102,  both  situated 
near  sloughs.  Besides  the  main  deposit  at  site  102,  there  is  an  arm 
reaching  up  the  hill  to  an  elevation  of  forty  or  fifty  feet,  and  spread- 
ing out  as  a thin  deposit  over  a wide  area  from  which  arrow  points 
have  been  plowed  out. 

At  site  103  the  nearly  perpendicular  bluff  is  caving  in  at  the 
present  time  so  as  to  leave  exposed  to  view  a deposit  of  black  dirt  and 
shell  about  one  foot  in  depth  along  the  top  of  the  bluff  for  a distance 
of  nearly  a thousand  feet.  Sites  99,  101,  105,  and  106  are  also  deposits 
of  black  dirt  on  the  bluff.  Hence,  it  would  appear  that  the  Indians 
here  preferred  living  at  a considerable  elevation  where  they  could  have 
a timber  shelter,  rather  than  near  the  water’s  edge  where  they  would 
be  exposed  to  the  prevailing  northwest  winds.  Shell  deposits  may  be 
hidden  beneath  the  tangled  brush  along  the  sides  of  the  bluff ; or  the 
shells  might  have  been  opened  where  they  were  gathered  and  hence 
never  have  accumulated  in  large  quantity.  The  people  would  be 
likely  to  do  this  rather  than  go  to  the  trouble  of  carrying  the  heavy 
loads  up  to  their  elevated  homes. 

No  shell  deposits  of  any  consequence  were  found  on  either  Mad  or 
Eel  rivers.  On  the  rocky  coast  south  of  Eel  river  shell  was  reported 
at  sites  114,  115,  and  117.  A deposit  of  shell  was  also  reported  at 
site  116  near  Guthrie  creek,  but  two  and  one-half  miles  inland  from 
the  coast.  It  is  said  that  when  the  whites  first  settled  the  district, 
there  was  here  an  open  space  of  several  acres  within  the  forest. 

Site  5,  near  the  mouth  of  Mad  river,  is  deserving  of  some  notice 
because  of  Indian  myths  concerning  the  place.  To  the  north  of  Mad 
river  there  is  a tableland  of  an  elevation  of  forty  or  more  feet  with  a 
steep  bluff  on  the  ocean  side.  On  the  top  of  the  tableland,  at  the  edge 
of  the  bluff,  a sand  hill  stretches  for  five  or  six  hundred  feet.  This  is 
perhaps  a natural  deposit  except  for  the  upper  foot  or  two,  which  con- 


278  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 

sists  of  blackened  sand  filled  with  gopher  holes.  The  surface  is  cov- 
ered with  an  unusual  number  of  burnt  stones  the  size  of  one’s  fist 
and  smaller.  There  are  a few  chert  fragments,  the  refuse  from  imple- 
ment making,  but  no  signs  of  any  shell  fragments. 

Sites  for  Surf -fishing 

Powers  says  of  the  Wiyot  that  “ their  manner  of  smelt-fishing  in 
the  surf,  whereby  their  eyes  were  often  filled  with  brine,  and  the 
high,  sand-driving  winds  which  prevail  at  certain  seasons  about  the 
estuary  of  Eel  river,  occasioned  much  ophthalmia  among  them,  and 
eventually  a great  deal  of  blindness.”59  He  also  more  fully  describes 
fishing  in  the  ocean  surf  at  the  mouth  of  the  Klamath  river  in  these 
words  :60 

Along  the  coast  they  engage  largely  in  smelt-fishing.  The  fisherman  takes  two 
long  slender  poles  which  he  frames  together  with  a cross-piece  in  the  shape  of  the 
letter  A,  and  across  these  he  stretches  a net  with  small  meshes,  bagging  down 
considerably.  This  net  he  connects  by  a throat,  with  a long  bag-net  floating 
in  the  water  behind  him,  and  then,  provided  with  a strong  staff,  he  wades  out  up 
to  his  middle.  When  an  unusually  heavy  billow  surges  in  he  plants  his  staff 
firmly  on  the  bottom,  ducks  his  head  forward,  and  allows  it  to  boom  over  him. 
After  each  wave  he  dips  with  his  net  and  hoists  it  up,  whereupon  the  smelt  slide 
down  to  the  point  and  through  the  throat  into  the  bag-net.  When  the  latter  con- 
tains a bushel  or  so  he  wades  ashore  and  empties  it  into  his  squaw’s  basket. 
About  sunset  appears  to  be  the  most  favorable  time  for  smelt-fishing,  and  at  this 
time  the  great  bar  across  the  mouth  of  the  Klamath  presents  a lively  and  interest- 
ing spectacle.  Sometimes  many  scores  of  swarthy  heads  may  be  seen  bobbing 
amid  the  surf  like  so  many  sea-lions. 

It  appears  that  smelt  though  fond  of  surf  dislike  beaches  because 
the  waves  stir  up  the  sand  too  much.  Most  of  the  Wiyot  coast  is 
sandy,  but  near  the  mouths  of  Eel  and  Mad  rivers  gravel  has  been 
washed  down  during  the  centuries  by  the  rivers  and  distributed  along 
the  shore  by  the  action  of  tide  and  storm.  Back  from  the  water ’s  edge 
there  is  a ridge  of  sand  ten  feet  or  more  in  elevation,  covered  with 
logs  and  driftwood  thrown  up  high  and  dry  by  storms  at  times  of 
extremely  high  tide. 

Back  from  this  ridge  to  the  south  of  Mad  river  all  is  drifting 
sand,  which  one-third  of  a mile  from  the  ocean  reach  elevations  of 
from  sixty  to  eighty-five  feet.  To  the  rear  of  the  ridge  littered  with 
driftwood,  there  is  perhaps  a greater  aggregate  of  archaeological 
remains  than  anywhere  else  in  the  region,  not  excepting  even  the 


59  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  103. 
eo  Ibid.,  p.  50. 


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1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory 

larger  shellmounds,  for  if  the  wind  would  uniformly  blow  away  the 
sand  we  possibly  might  find  a continuous  strip  of  archaeological  re- 
mains several  hundred  feet  wide  and  over  three  miles  long  southward 
from  Mad  river  mouth. 

These  remains  are  of  two  classes,  as  illustrated  on  plate  10,  and 
must  be  of  considerable  age,  to  judge  by  their  extent  as  well  as  the 
Indian  myths  concerning  them.  The  first  class  consists  of  circular 
patches  of  ground  six  or  eight  feet  in  diameter  covered  with  stones 
. the  size  of  one’s  fist  and  smaller.  In  some  cases  these  stones  lie  only 
a few  inches  apart  and  nearly  cover  the  ground.  Many  of  them  show 
signs  of  fire.  The  illustration  is  hardly  typical,  because  in  this  case 
the  stones  are  few  in  number  and  scattered  over  a wider  area  than 
usual.  A partial  count  made  fifteen  such  circles,  and  it  is  estimated 
that  there  are  twenty  or  thirty  in  all.  There  were  also  several  heaps 
two  feet  in  diameter,  composed  of  burnt  stones. 

The  second  class  of  remains  in  this  shore  district  south  of  Mad 
river  is  made  up  of  fifty  or  more  patches  of  shell,  chert  fragments, 
and  small  stones  or  pebbles  varying  in  size  from  hen’s  eggs  to 
lentils.  Why  the  small  pebbles  or  coarse  gravel  should  have  been 
brought  to  the  camp  sites  is  not  known,  but  that  they  were  brought 
there  by  man  is  unquestionable,  since  they  are  not  found  apart  from 
other  evidences  of  human  occupation.  On  the  map  these  remains  have 
been  divided  somewhat  arbitrarily  into  four  groups,  sites  10,  11,  12, 
and  13,  each  being  separated  from  the  next  by  drifts  of  sand.  The 
Wiyot  also  divide  the  remains  into  two  or  three  groups,  with  names 
for  each.  The  northern  group,  apparently  equivalent  to  the  group 
numbered  as  site  10,  has  two  names,  tokelibowok  and  sho.  The  name, 
wadiswa,  was  given  to  remains  situated  south  of  site  10. 

Small  fragments  of  chert  of  various  colors,  blue,  green,  yellow, 
red,  chocolate,  and  black,  the  refuse  from  implement  making,  are 
widely  distributed  and  could  be  gathered  by  the  bushel.  Among  them 
were  found  about  forty  more  or  less  fragmentary  chipped  implements, 
including  spear  and  arrow  points,  scrapers,  knives,  and  drills.  Eight 
of  the  better  specimens  are  illustrated  on  plate  15.  The  writer  knows 
nothing  about  the  geology  of  the  Humboldt  bay  region,  but  because 
about  half  of  the  gravel  and  small  unbroken  pebbles  at  these  surf- 
fishing camps  are  composed  of  chert,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  a formation  of  chert  exists  somewhere  in  the  region,  and  the  loca- 
tion would  seem  to  be  the  area  drained  by  Luffenholtz  and  Norton 
creeks,  since  the  Wiyot  names  of  these  refer  to  flint.  It  is  not  unlikely 


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that  this  chert  formation  is  of  the  same  age  and  character  as  that  in 
the  Franciscan  series  on  San  Francisco  peninsula.61 

Only  one  specimen  of  obsidian  was  found  in  this  district,  a red 
and  black  knife  about  three  inches  long  (pi.  15,  fig.  2).  This  speci- 
men must  have  been  brought  from  a distance,  since  not  the  slightest 
particle  of  obsidian  refuse  could  be  found  anywhere.  Obsidian  prob- 
ably does  not  occur  within  the  limits  of  the  Wiyot  area,  and  what  the 
nearest  source  would  be  the  writer  is  not  prepared  to  say,  but  it  occurs 
in  abundance  as  boulders  on  the  ridges  at  the  head  of  Eel  river.62 

A hard  sandstone  similar  in  texture  to  the  rock  from  which  many 
implements  are  made,  and  a very  small  amount  of  quartz,  are  the 
other  rock  materials  composing  the  gravel  and  pebbles.  Some  of  the 
patches  covered  with  gravel,  pebbles,  and  chert  fragments  are  almost 
devoid  of  shell. 

In  each  of  the  patches  of  shell  there  seems  to  be  a tendency  for 
one  species  of  mollusk  to  predominate.  In  general,  the  most  common 
species  are  those  of  the  larger  clams,  Paphia,  Schizothaerus,  and 
Saxidomus.  Next  in  order  of  abundance  are  the  soft  shell  clam, 
Macoma  nasuta,  the  razor-shell,  Siliqua  patula,  and  two  species  of 
mussel,  Mytilus  calif ornianus  and  M.  edulis.  There  were  but  few 
cockle  shells,  Cardium.  As  a rule  the  shell  is  very  much  scattered, 
seldom  being  in  beds.  One  bed  of  mussel  two  and  a half  feet  in  diam- 
eter and  six  inches  thick  was  found  underlaid  with  charcoal.  This 
would  indicate  the  amount  cooked  at  one  time  by  baking  in  the  shell, 
but  for  some  reason  the  shell  was  left  undisturbed  after  being  baked. 

Animal  bones  were  sufficiently  few  to  allow  of  all  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  a few  whale  bones)  being  taken  away  in  a sack  along  with  the 
stone  artifacts.  They  included,  in  order  of  abundance,  elk,  seal,  sea- 
lion,  whale,  and  sea-otter.  Only  three  small  fragments  of  human 
bones  could  be  found.  This  fact  might  lead  to  the  conclusion  that 
there  were  here  no  permanent  villages  but  only  temporary  places  of 
abode.  However,  the  dead  might  have  been  cremated,  and  the  large 
number  of  burnt  stones  indicates  that  a great  deal  of  cooking  has 
been  done  here. 

Nearly  fifty  stone  sinkers  were  found,  and  a dozen  stones  that  had 
been  used  probably  in  breaking  up  chert  for  manufacture  into  imple- 

ei  The  chert  formation,  which  appears  to  be  of  Jurassic  age,  and  which  is 
formed  from  an  accumulation  of  the  silicious  skeletons  or  tests  of  microscopic, 
marine  animals  known  as  radiolaria,  is  found  on  San  Francisco  peninsula  and 
northward.  See  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.,  Bull.  Dept.  Geol. ; and  especially  A.  C.  Lawson, 
15th  Ann.  Bep.  U.  S.  Geol.  Surv.,  1893-94. 

62  George  Gibbs,  op.  cit.,  pp.  114,  116. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  281 

ments  (pi.  17,  fig.  6).  The  great  number  of  sinkers  and  the  hammer 
stones  together  with  the  abundance  of  chert  refuse,  would  indicate 
that  the  campers  engaged  in  fishing  when  the  fishing  was  good  and 
between  times  worked  at  flaking  implements. 

Wiyot  informants  did  not  mention  ever  having  camped  on  the 
sites  described  above,  but  said  that  they  were  formerly  occupied  by  a 
now  extinct  race.  They  did  admit  that  three  spots  between  Eel  river 
and  Cape  Fortunas  were  used  as  camp  sites  by  them  while  surf-fishin- 
and  gathering  mollusks.  The  writer  did  not  visit  this  stretch  of  coast* 
but  was  told  that  at  site  114  the  wind  exposes  shell  and  arrow  points. 


PLACES  OF  MYTHOLOGICAL  INTEREST 

8ltes  10>  n’  12>  and  13-~ Chief  among  the  places  of  mythological 
interest  are  the  surf -fishing  camps  on  the  ocean  shore  south  of  Mad 
river.  There  are  several  names  for  these  sites.  Dandy  Bill  gave  the 
name,  tokelibowok,  for  the  northern  site,  while  he  said  there  was 
another  name  that  he  could  not  remember  for  the  prehistoric  remains 
opposite  site  36.  He  was  not  familiar  with  the  two  names  given  by 
Aleck  Sam,  sho,  for  the  northern,  and  wadiswa,  for  the  southern  part 
of  the  stretch  of  remains. 

On  these  sites  the  “Old  Nation”  known  as  the  wigidokowok63  used 
to  live.  The  informants  stated  that  they  did  not  know  much  about 
these  ancient  people  because  their  fathers  never  told  them  much,  but 
that  a long  time  ago  there  used  to  be  a great  many  of  these  beings  and 
that  they  were  about  as  much  like  animals  as  they  were  like  men.  Per- 
haps they  were  the  deer  people,  or  the  elk  people,  or  possibly  the  duck 
people.  The  informants  did  not  know.  By  and  by  another  people 
came  and  constantly  tricked  the  first  people.  One  way  in  which  they 
annoyed  them  was  by  dropping  excrement  down  the  smoke  holes  into 

63  The  mythological  material  in  the  following  pages  was  obtained  only  inci- 
dentally, and  is  given  with  the  hope  that  it  may  serve  as  a clue  to  future  investi- 
gation. Sketches  of  Wiyot  mythology  have  also  been  made  by  A.  L.  Kroeber 
under  the  titles:  Wishosk  Myths,  Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xvm,  85,  1905;  Wiyot 
Folk-lore,  ibid.,  xxi,  35,  1908;  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  present 
series,  iv,  348,  1907.  In  the  last  paper  cited  (p.  342),  Kroeber  says:  ‘‘The 
Northwestern  mythologies  are  characterized  primarily  by  a very  deeply  impressed 
conception  of  a previous,  now  vanished,  race,  who  by  first  living  the  life  and  per- 
forming the  actions  of  mankind  were  the  producers  of  all  human  institutions  and 
arts  as  well  as  of  some  of  the  phenomena  of  nature.  Second  in  importance  in  the 
Northwest  are  myths  dealing  with  culture-heroes  more  or  less  of  the  trickster 
type.  ” In  the  second  citation  (p.  38),  Kroeber  gives  the  name,  wigidokowok,  in 
a slightly  varying  form.  He  says:  “Powerful  supernatural  beings  are  called 
wakirash,  or  yagabichirakw.  Among  such  are  the  inhabitants  of  lakes.  When 
one  of  these  takes  pity  on  a man,  he  becomes  physically  strong  and  fierce.’ ’ 


282 


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their  dwellings.  These  droppings  can  be  seen  now  as  the  circles  of 
stones  that  have  been  described  (pi.  10,  fig.  2).  So  the  first  people 
became  angry  and  left.  Some  say  that  they  went  far  to  the  south,  and 
that  perhaps  their  descendants  are  now  the  Mexicans. 

Site  8. — These  same  ancient  people  used  to  live  also  on  site  8 near 
a waterfall  on  Mill  creek.  According  to  a manuscript  of  A.  L.  Kroe- 
ber,  the  Yurok  believed  that  the  trail  to  the  world  of  the  dead  began 
at  a place  near  here.64 

Site  5. — This  site,  located  at  the  top  of  the  bluff  near  the  mouth  of 
Mad  river,  is  associated  with  the  Old  Nation  by  both  the  Wiyot  and 
the  Athapascans  living  on  Mad  river.  Tom  Brown,  who  is  getting  old 
and  in  consequence  is  somewhat  incoherent  in  his  remarks,  said  that 
his  father  used  to  make  a Jumping  dance  for  ten  days  every  summer 
at  the  recent  village  at  site  4,  and  the  same  kind  of  a dance  every 
winter  on  top  of  the  bluff  where  the  “ first  people”  used  to  live.  He 
said  in  connection  with  this  dance  that  if  one  dreamed  of  snakes  he 
would  have  no  luck  in  fishing  for  four  or  five  days.  He  also  made 
several  statements  regarding  a flood  that  was  understood  to  apply  to 
the  people  of  this  place.  There  was  a flood  that  three  times  drowned 
all  the  people  on  earth,  but  they  said:  “Next  time  we  will  grow  up.” 
One  man  always  came  back  again  and  was  the  beginning  of  another 
people,  which  in  its  turn  was  drowned. 

Table  Bluff. — Dandy  Bill  associated  Table  Bluff  with  the  flood.65 
He  said  that  “many  thousands  of  years  ago”  there  was  a flood  all 
around  Table  Bluff.  One  man  prophesied  that  a flood  would  cover 
all  the  earth  and  all  the  hills ; but  some  people  would  not  believe  him. 
A woman  made  a water-tight  basket  large  enough  to  hold  a boy  and 
his  sister.  She  gave  the  boy  a stone  knife  about  four  inches  long, 
put  a tight  cover  on  the  basket,  and  smeared  it  with  pitch.  Roll ! roll ! 
roll ! went  the  basket  in  the  waves.  By  and  by  the  boy  could  not  feel 
it  rolling  any  more.  He  cut  a hole  in  the  basket  and  found  that  there 
was  no  more  water,  that  it  had  all  gone  down.  Then  he  saw  raccoon 
tracks  and  frog  tracks.  He  built  a brush  hut,  married  his  sister, 
and  the  world  became  peopled  again. 

Site  78. — Another  place  where  the  Old  Nation  used  to  live  was  at 
site  78,  near  Elk  river.  The  first  people  that  ever  lived  made  a name 
for  this  place,  calling  it  chwanochkok.  That  was  the  “old  fashioned 

64  See  footnote  170. 

65  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Jonr.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xviii,  96,  says  that  a high  mountain 
between  Mad  river  and  Eedwood  creek  was  another  elevation  of  this  region  that 
reached  above  the  waters  of  the  flood.  See  page  296. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  283 


name”  which  the  fathers  passed  along  to  their  sons,  so  that  the  place 
has  always  been  called  by  that  name. 

Site  68. — Dandy  Bill  said  that  there  were  many  stories  about  the 
large  shellmound  on  the  center  of  Gunther  island.  His  accounts  are 
about  as  follows:  For  thousands  and  thousands  of  years  this  place 
has  been  occupied  by  a very  large  village  belonging  to  one  “nation” 
after  another.  Two  hundred  years  ago66  there  was  a medicine-man 
living  here  who  was  the  first  man  of  one  of  the  nations.  One  day 
just  after  breakfast  he  saw  five  pelicans  flying  overhead.  He  made  a 
“roll”  (charm)  and  said:  “I  wish  you  would  fall.”  Four  of  the 
pelicans  fell  but  the  fifth  flew  away.  After  getting  the  pelicans  the 
medicine-man  had  great  success  in  fishing  and  became  a powerful  man, 
inducing  many  people  to  live  at  his  village. 

At  one  time  fish  were  very  scarce  and  could  not  be  caught.  Then 
this  medicine-man  took  an  old  pipe  about  four  inches  in  diameter 
and  filled  it  with  native  tobacco.  He  smoked  the  pipe  and  “wished” 
for  fish  and  all  kinds  of  food.  He  took  two  men  in  a canoe  and  pad- 
died  all  about  the  bay.  He  went  toward  Areata  wishing  for  fish,  and 
did  not  come  home  until  daylight.  Then  he  lay  down  in  the  sweat- 
house  and  said  to  the  two  men  with  him:  “You  can  catch  fish  now. 

I felt  it  some  little  time  ago.”  The  two  men  came  back  with  a boat- 
load of  fish. 

Site  L,  gerdri-dersishadawin. — At  this  place,  located  near  a county 
bridge  on  Mad  river,  there  is  a big  rock  in  the  river  bed,  with  peculiar 
natural  markings  across  its  top.  There  was  a young  unmarried 
woman,  gerdri,  who  came  from  a far  away  country,  and  who  had  a 
baby  by  a man  living  at  this  place.  The  child  matured  at  a phenome- 
nal rate.  Then  the  young  woman  was  homesick.  The  man  tried  to 
persuade  her  to  stay,  but  she  was  obstinate ; so  he  pressed  her  down 

into  the  river  and  made  her  stay  there. 

The  Athapascan  account  is  very  similar,  adding  that  the  man  was 
the  very  first  of  the  Indian  race,  and  that  when  he  found  that  he 
could  not  keep  the  woman  he  killed  her,  making  several  slashes  with 
his  knife  across  her  body,  which  are  now  the  marks  on  the  rock 

Other  pUces.- On  Eel  river  near  site  az,  according  to  an  old  tale, 
there  used  to  be  a little  animal,  something  like  a coyote,  that  came  to 
the  top  of  the  water  and  barked.  The  details  of  this  story  were  not 

obtained. 


ee  The  informant,  although  thor^^  or’  three  hun- 

inconsistent  in  his  stat2“™S  ^meaning  as  much  to  him  as  the  same  number  of 
dreds  of  years  apparently  often  meaning  as  mu 

thousands  or  hundreds  of  thousands. 


284 


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There  were  several  other  sites  concerning  which  informants  said 
there  were  stories  of  the  people  who  used  to  live  on  them.  Two  in- 
formants hinted  that  there  were  tales  about  site  22  at  Samoa.  Sites 
79,  108,  and  23  were  occupied  by  villages  “a  long  time  ago,”  that  is, 
“one  hundred,”  or  “two  hundred,”  or  “three  hundred  years  ago” 
in  the  Indian’s  vague,  indefinite  way  of  reckoning  the  passage  of 
time.  Site  23  besides  being  perhaps  the  largest  shellmound  of  the 
region,  and  hence  undoubtedly  ancient,  was  a place  where  a dance 
was  held.  People  also  lived  on  sites  2 and  3 “a  long  time  ago.”  As 
time  was  limited,  the  writer  did  not  press  his  inquiry,  and  so  is  unable 
to  say  whether  these  stories  belong  to  the  realm  of  mythology  or  to 
that  of  historical  tradition. 

Athapasoan  Myths. — The  Athapascans  say  that  before  the  Indians 
existed  there  was  another  race,  the  first  people,  called  djiholdjwhe.67 
These  people  were  born  at  the  mouth  of  Mad  river  at  site  5.  There 
were  also  many  of  them  up  the  river  at  site  n,  where  the  county  road, 
following  an  old  Indian  trail,  goes  around  a rock,  tscz,  the  name  of  the 
place  being  tsa-minilgetindik-tin.  Farther  up  the  river  at  site  p, 
the  first  man  met  a woman  and  tore  her  dress. 


LISTS  OF  GEOGRAPHICAL  NAMES 

The  writer  has  had  no  training  in  phonetics  and  in  consequence 
can  lay  no  claim  to  great  accuracy  in  the  orthography  of  the  following 
Indian  names  of  places.  All  the  Wiyot  names  were  obtained  from 
Tom  Brown  and  Aleck  Sam,  who  live  at  the  mouth  of  Mad  river,  and 
from  Dandy  Bill,  who  lives  at  the  south  end  of  the  bay.  The  Atha- 
pascan names  were  obtained  from  Jim  Brock,  born  at  site  y,  and  John 
Stevens,  born  near  Maple  creek.  Both  men  have  Whilkut  wives  and 
their  dialect  is  probably  Whilkut,  although  they  have  had  consider- 
able association  with  the  Chilula.  About  three-quarters  of  the  words, 
or  those  obtained  from  Dandy  Bill  and  the  two  Athapascan  inform- 
ants, were  recorded  on  a phonograph,  so  that  the  writer’s  memory 
might  be  refreshed  and  inconsistencies  eliminated.  Unfortunately 
the  record  obtained  from  Jim  Brock  was  broken  in  transit.  Owing  to 
this  fact  as  well  as  to  the  extreme  difficulties  of  Athapascan  to  a begin- 
ner, the  writer  is  much  less  satisfied  with  his  orthography  of  these 
names  than  with  his  W7iyot  names. 

67  The  writer  is  not  certain  whether  the  word  is  in  the  singular  or  the  plural, 
whether  it  is  the  name  of  a race  or  the  name  of  the  first  man  of  that  race. 


285 


1918]  Loud:  EtJmogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory 


In  the  various  Wiyot  names  all  the  consonant  sounds  found  in 
English  were  encountered,  except  f,  v,  and  z.  In  addition  to  these 
there  were  several  other  sounds.  One  of  these  is  similar  to  the  Welsh 
11,  and  has  been  written  l in  conformity  with  the  usage  of  American 
anthropologists.  A catch  has  been  written  \ Ch  is  as  in  church ; x , 
met  with  only  three  times,  has  a sound  similar  to  German  ch  in  buch ; 
g denotes  the  sound  as  in  go;  j has  the  English  sound,  written  dj[ 
never  the  French  zj  sound ; t has  a sound  similar  to  th  in  thin.  Where 
a syllable  is  strongly  accented  it  has  been  marked  thus:  '.  The  vowel 
sounds  are  as  follows : 


m father 
m Cuba 
in  hat 
n they 
n met 
in  her 
i as  in  machine 
i as  in  pin 


a as 
a as 
a as 
e as 
e as 
e as 


o as  in  note 

0 as  in  hot 

u as  oo  in  boot 
u as  in  put 
ai  as  in  aisle 
au  as  ou  in  loud 

01  as  in  oil 


In  some  cases  an  informant  gave  a second  name  for  a locality.  In 
other  cases  different  informants  either  pronounced  differently  or  used 
another  name.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  possible  that  a different  locality 
in  the  near  vicinity  was  intended.  When  inquiry  was  made  as  to  the 
meaning  of  a name,  it  was  frequently  stated  that  it  was  merely  the 
name  and  without  any  meaning,  though  there  is  little  doubt  that  a 
greater  expenditure  of  time  might  have  found  meanings  for  most  of 
the  names.  Sometimes  either  a very  free  translation  was  given  or 
something  descriptive  of  the  surroundings.  Literal  meanings,  whether 
obtained  from  informants  or  from  existing  vocabularies,  are  presented 
with  hyphens  connecting  the  stems,  and  with  corresponding  hyphens 
connecting  the  English  translations  of  these  stems.  A question  mark 
in  connection  with  the  translation  of  a stem  indicates  that  the  exact 
correctness  of  the  translation  is  doubtful,  while  the  same  sign  sep- 
arated from  the  remainder  of  the  translation  by  a hyphen  shows  that 
no  meaning  is  known  for  the  Indian  stem  which  occupies  a corre- 
sponding position. 

The  same  system  of  orthography  is  used  for  the  Athapascan 
names  as  for  the  Wiyot  names.  One  sound  noted  neither  in  Wij'ot 
names  nor  known  in  English  is  rendered  by  the  letter  w in  conformity 
with  the  usage  of  Dr.  P.  E.  Goddard. 


286 


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Wiyot  Geographical  Names 

The  following  are  the  names  of  archaeological  sites  which  were 
used  in  1850  by  the  Wiyot  as  village  or  camp  sites : 

Site  1,  ta-pel-o,  “f-flint** 

Site  2,  plet-kosom-ili,  ‘ 1 rock-small-  ? ’ ’ 

Site  4,  kolike'me68 

Site  6,  churn!',  djome 

Site  7,  gwisok69 

Site  9,  betser7o 

Site  14,  hotwaiyorwok 

Site  17,  iugutkuk 

Site  19,  tserketsok7i 

Site  26,  lekaliwiL,  sgekeliwisg 

Site  31,  tokalewiLk,  tokelibesL,  tokalibwiL 

Site  32,  tagoriok 

Site  33,  tap5%  howetotol 

Site  34,  mole  ’1 

Site  34,  (graves),  witachwhayuwin 
Site  36,  bikatslikatwayawik,  begutsglits 
Site  39,  impa't 
Site  48,  plets-wok, 

Site  58/  ikatchipi 

Site  65,  toloiapLik 

Site  67,  tolowot 

Site  68,  etpidoL  wotperoL 

Site  73,  kutserwaLik72 

Site  77,  ikso'ri 

Site  78,  chwanochkok 

Site  79,  djorokegochkok 

Site  80,  moroLrok 

Site  83,  dolawotkuk 

Site  84,  toporok 

Site  86,  potatoli 

Site  88,  atwhutkaruwiltaliweL 

Site  90,  toktowoka 

Site  91,  kosubopla 

Site  92,  sowokwokertsokoweL 

Site  93,  yowo 

Site  98,  tsok 

Site  100,  yawonawoch 

Site  102,  toleL 

Site  104,  twetkoka,  twetkok  ’ker 


68  Meaning  said  to  be  11  across  the  river.  ’ ’ 

69  The  ending  -ole  is  met  with  over  twenty  times;  cf.  Wiyot  locative  suffix  -akw, 
on,  in,  at  (present  series,  ix,  395). 

70  Cf.  bdtwar,  freshet;  gaivu-betser,  it  is  becoming  dry  (present  series,  ix, 
409,  398). 

71  Cf.  tsar,  small  species  of  mussel. 

72  Cf.  guts,  good. 


1918]  Loud : Ethrwgeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  287 

Site  109,  lokelebu73 

Site  112,  betmet 

Site  114,  tokertayerwok 

Site  115,  lolito  Jdek,  loliso’tak 

Site  117,  dat-owok,  “up-at” 

The  following  archaeological  sites  are  not  known  to  have  been 
used  by  the  Wiyot  in  modern  times  as  dwelling  places.  In  addition 

to  these,  there  were  nearly  fifty  other  sites,  for  which  no  names  were 
obtained. 

Site  3,  doLokoli 
Site  5,  kllwatkut74 
Site  8,  dje'gedjoho 
Site  10,  tokelibowok,  sho 
Site  11,  wadiswa 
Site  22,  djo  ’mak 

Site  23,  digawethatkiL,  tekewethatkl 
Site  37,  klauwegidiL,  drauarerkweratchker 
Site  38,  shotosherokotkerel,  miset' 

Site  69,  djerbchichichiwil 

Site  70,  toLokoliL,  toklokoliL75 

Site  71,  wots-atklik76 

Site  82,  toLokobidjwotno,  tokobidjwotno 

Site  85,  erotpiL 

Site  87,  toternerklomuk77 

Site  108,  likagerolik78 

Site  110,  werkatkoluitoli,  werkatkolowotoleL79 
Site  113,  welapL 

The  village  and  camp  sites  in  the  following  list  were  located  by  the 
help  of  Wiyot  informants.  They  were  either  not  visited  by  the  writer 
or  if  visited  were  found  to  contain  no  noticeable  archaeological 
remains. 

Site  a,  hatpile'ka 

Site  B,  krochgro'yekruk,  tasiswflso 

Site  c,  tisopiligeLi 

Site  e,  plet-er-sowet,  <^rock-?-wMte,, 

Site  f,  klichimat 

73  Name  refers  to  the  trail  crossing  the  peninsula  from  the  bay  to  the  ocean 
beach.  Cf.  the  names  for  sites  10,  26,  and  31. 

74  Name  said  to  refer  to  a rise  of  ground. 

75  Cf.  lolix,  slough;  lalih,  creek. 

76  Cf.  wats,  diminutive. 

77  Name  said  to  refer  to  an  extra  large  spring. 

78  Name  said  to  refer  to  a marshy  point.  Cf.  likogerleli,  point  or  cape. 

79  Name  said  to  refer  to  a log  partly  made  into  a canoe,  then  abandoned. 
Cf.  ikatati,  house  boards  or  lumber;  holowi,  canoe;  and  dale,  stand.  Holowi  is 
itself  a compound  from  ho’l,  water,  and  dwi,  go. 

80  Siswa,  black,  probably  referring  to  an  edible  plant  growing  there.  See 
under  Ethnobotany,  also  footnote  98. 


288  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Site  h,  tokoktaweLer 
Site  i,  klichibot 
Site  J,  tokelerboku'si 

Site  l,  gerari-ddrsiskawin,  gerari-desiskadawin82 

Site  0,  tariwerwiyugun83 

Site  p,  kotsil-howi-loli,  1 1 crow-come-creek  ’ ’ 

Site  R,  topoderos,  tapoteros84 
Site  al,  kokte' 

Site  am,  goineodo'dog 
Site  an,  kwetoLs 
Site  ao,  totokuk 
Site  ap,  wotsaLik 
Site  aq,  tolotpiiuk83 
Site  ar,  tekwogok 
Site  as,  itegok ’whule83 
Site  at,  miplok 
Site  AU,  hochwochkor 
Site  av,  tokwherok 
Site  aw,  howotkiL 
Site  ax,  wosala 
Site  ay,  sweanawoehkro 
Site  AZ,  hokonwoyok 
Site  ba,  kwigergoyok 
Site  bb,  tswokerok 
Site  bc,  tsolskoge 

Site  bd,  kigergodoliL,  kigdergodolti 
Site  be,  wotwetwok 
Site  below  Scotia,  tokemuk 
Site  at  Scotia,  tokenewoLok 

The  following  list  includes  the  Wiyot  names  of  rivers  and  creeks 
arranged  in  their  order  from  north  to  south : 

Luffenholtz  creek,  ta-pel-o, 

Little  river,  itchgaro'87 
Strawberry  creek,  kwesperkogoli 
Creek  at  site  3,  lolkr88 
Mad  river,  batwot89 
Mouth  of  Mill  creek,  tuneskut 
Mill  Creek  falls,  tare',  toLi 

si  Name  said  to  refer  to  spearing  salmon. 

82  Gerari,  young  unmarried  woman. 

83  Name  said  to  refer  to  Warren  creek  canon  being  like  a split  crotch. 

84  Topoderos,  an  onion-like  food  plant.  See  under  Ethnobotany. 

83  Name  said  to  refer  to  a slough  around  it. 

86  Name  said  to  refer  to  a leaning  spruce;  cf.  toh,  spruce. 

87  Name  said  to  refer  to  a kind  of  footprint  in  the  flat  rock  at  the  crossing. 

88  The  word  for  slough,  though  the  application  here  is  not  known. 

89  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  96,  used  the  term  Patawat  to  designate  the 
inhabitants  of  lower  Mad  river. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  289 


Vance  creek,  kotsil-howi-loli,  ‘ 1 crow-come-creek  ’ ’ 
Lindsey  creek  mouth,  topoderos-dotigerdol" 
Lindsey  creek,  tapoteros 
Hall  creek,  djonokut-otigerdol 
Norton  creek,  pel-taliweL,  “ flint-  V’ 

North  fork  of  Mad  river,  ro’lit 
Humboldt  bay,  wike91 
Jacoby  creek,  kokte' 

Freshwater  creek,  gomeododog 
Clark  slough,  toLokoliL,  toklokoliL92 
Elk  river,  ikso'riss 
Salmon  creek,  toktowoka 
Eel  river,  wiyot 
Palmer  creek,  wedjodjtog 
Strongs  creek,  geLwot 
Price  creek,  weLok 

Van  Duzen  river,  kigergodoliL,  kigdergodolti 

Salt  river,  oka't 

Francis  creek,  topoehochwiL 

Williams  creek,  Lowe'aka 

Branstadter  creek,  gigerton 

Guthrie  creek,  lolito’dek,  loliso’tok 

Oil  creek,  datowok 


Tom  Brown  gave  metchkor  as  the  name  of  the  Ynrok  dialect 
spoken  at  Trinidad  and  Little  river,  saying  that  the  people  at  Big 
Lagoon  to  the  north  of  Trinidad  spoke  differently.94 

Grizzly  Bluff,  the  ridge  between  Williams  creek  and  Price  creek, 
was  called  wiritildodj,  and  the  point  of  Grizzly  Bluff  opposite  Van 
Duzen  river  was  kadjo’h-datigerdoli.95  There  were  many  acorns  pro- 
duced on  this  ridge,  which  furnished  food  for  numerous  grizzly  bears. 

Above  How  creek  there  is  a slide  where  fossil  clams,  abalone,  etc., 
are  said  to  be  found.  It  is  called  kotwaryuwok.  The  name  of  only 
one  of  the  numerous  prairies  was  obtained,  that  of  Areata  Prairie, 
gudini'.  The  names  of  the  trails  have  been  given  on  page  231. 

99  Topoderos,  an  onion-like  food  plant.  Name  said  to  mean  “wild  potato 
creek  come  out  to  the  river. 

91  George  Davidson,  Pacific  Coast  Pilot,  p.  102,  1869,  gives  Qualawaloo  as 
being  the  Indian  name  of  Humboldt  bay. 

92  See  footnote  75. 

92  George  Gibbs,  op.  cit.,  p.  131,  gives  the  name  as  Kashareh.  The  Coast  and 
Geodetic  Survey  chart  of  1858  gives  the  name,  Mowitch,  but  this  is  a name  intro- 
duced by  the  whites  from  a Chinook  word  meaning  deer  or  elk. 

94  According  to  A.  L.  Kroeber  this  name  is  probably  the  Yurok  name  of  Little 
river,  metsko,  and  site  2 at  its  mouth,  see  page  297. 

95  The  latter  half  of  this  name  occurs  also  in  the  name  of  two  creeks  tributary 
to  Mad  river.  See  footnote  90. 


290 


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Athapascan  Geographical  Names 

Jim  Brock,  born  at  site  y,  gave  the  Athapascan  names  of  places 
along  Mad  river  as  far  np  as  Maple  creek,  and  John  Stevens,  born 
at  tse-didis-ten,  two  miles  below  Maple  creek,  gave  the  names  of  places 
between  there  and  Bine  Lake.  The  following  are  the  place  names: 

Site  4,  kidjeholin-tin96 

Site  5,  djedjolineme 

Site  A,  enukakachi97 

Island,  tanasantsukut,  tanasanukut 

Site  b,  tasol-tinss 

Site  6,  yegidilos-ten 

Site  7,  tetf-ming-a,  1 1 brush-edge  ’ ’ 

Mill  Creek  falls,  nilin 

Site  c,  kloche-na'lin-tin,  ‘ ‘ flat  (?)  -creek-place  ’ ’ 

Site  d,  kos-tenaiete-ten,  “wild  potato- ?-place”99 
Site  E,  mis-krit,  “bluff  along  ”ioo 
Site  f,  holche'k-me ’,  “nettle-?’’ 

Site  G,  klochimeik ’il-tinioi 
Site  i,  tachenkalchwhe-tenio2 

Site  9,  tidil’-tinios 

Site  J,  klokwo'sesko-ten,  “ sturgeon- ?-place  ” 

Site  k,  klokai-kemekloki04 
Site  l,  yahotkete-ten 
Site  m,  genasna'nime 

Site  N,  tsa-minilgetindik-tin,  “ rock- ?-place  ” 

Site  o,  toi-hunsel-ten,  1 ‘ ?-sun-place  ’ ’105 
Site  p,  kaiai'dikik-tin 

Site  q,  tso-tikai-tin,  “rock-?-place”io6 
Site  s,  djemashun-dasun-den,  “fern-? -place ’ ’ 

Site  t,  kochweke-ten107 

Site  u,  khokwo-siltin-tin,  “ redwood-  ?-place”i08 

96  Name  said  to  refer  to  the  “river  going  down.”  Nearly  two-thirds  of  the 
names  have  the  locative  suffix,  of  which  the  variations  -tin,  -ten,  and  -den  were 
noted.  P.  E.  Goddard,  Notes  on  the  Chilula,  present  series,  x,  282,  1914,  uni- 
formly writes  -din. 

97  Name  said  to  refer  to  the  “village  on  the  other  side.” 

98  Name  said  to  refer  to  a kind  of  edible  “grass”  growing  there,  a plant 
three  feet  high  called  honsisaliwheh,  probably  wild  caraway.  See  heading,  Ethno- 
botany,  and  footnote  80. 

99  Name  said  to  refer  to  digging  “wild  potatoes”  growing  in  wet  and  marshy 
ground  and  washing  them  in  a “lake”  at  this  place. 

100  The  Jumping  dance  was  said  to  be  held  here. 

101  Name  said  to  refer  to  getting  fish  here,  including  smelt,  tedintil. 

102  Name  said  to  mean  “fern  roots  make  them  place,”  tachenka ’ being  the 
edible  fern  roots. 

103  Name  said  to  refer  to  a smooth  river,  favorable  for  catching  salmon. 

104  Name  said  to  mean  “they  grow  like  wild  oats.”  A prairie  was  near  by 
on  which  Idoka’,  wild  oats,  grew,  and  there  were  pounded  into  meal  to  be  eaten. 

105  Name  refers  to  the  timber  being  so  dense  that  there  was  but  little  sunshine. 

106  Name  refers  to  white  rock,  now  buried  in  sand,  which  was  visible  for  a 
long  distance. 

107  KochweTce  ’ is  an  onomatopoetic  name  of  a bird,  possibly  the  quail. 

108  A flat  prairie  with  one  big  redwood  log  to  which  the  name  refers. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory.  291 

Site  v,  dama-miLauilm-tinioa 

Site  w,  itsin-ietu'lin-tin,  “go  down- ?-place  ’ ’no 

Site  x,  itikiku  ’-man-tin,  “ woodpecker-  ?-place  ’ ’ 

Site  Y,  itsin-ohogindis-ten,  “go  down- ?-place  ’ ’m 
Site  z,  mis-kritikrit,  “bluff-?” 

Site  aa,  klokeche 
Site  ab,  djadenesno-ten 

Site  ac,  taikew-shun-den,  “sweathouse-?-place;  ’ 

Site  ad,  mis-kene'hu-ten,  “ bluff- ?-place” 

Site  ae,  miketime112 
Site  af,  gestakat113 
Site  ag,  khaiyame114 
Site  ah,  tse-inatulwo-teniis 
Site  ai,  djinakhoe-teniis 

Site  aj,  tolkai'e-tenii? 

Site  ak,  dj  ’endjee-ten,  dj  ’endje-whotns 
Wiyot  boundary,  tse-tena ’tulwo-tenii9 
Canon  creek  mouth,  who'nta,  “houses” 

, mis-ta-ten,  “ bluff- ?-plaee  ”120 

, khokwo-tache-ten,  “ redwood- ?-place121 

Dry  creek  mouth,  artes-slandjeolin-tin,  “ grasshopper-  ?-place  ’ ’ 

Site  below  Foster  creek,  whotsdjotache-tini22 

Site  on  Foster  creek,  ituke-nole'-tin,  “ up-waterf all-place  ’ ’i23 

, k’eyame124 

, yinok,  “south,”  or  “up  stream ”125 

, tse-didis-teni23 

Black  creek  mouth,  hotintelimei2? 

Maple  creek  mouth,  tilchehuerkut,  dilcherhuerkut 
Boulder  creek  mouth,  yinalinowhot 

109  Damd,  a kind  of  dark  wood  growing  to  a size  of  four  inches  in  diameter, 
no  Name  said  to  refer  to  a bend  in  the  river  here. 

m Name  refers  to  the  trail  going  down  from  Liscom  Hill  Prairie,  holtsista-tin, 
to  the  village. 

112  Name  said  to  refer  to  being  behind  North  fork  of  Mad  river. 

113  Name  said  to  refer  to  a deep  fishing  hole. 

114  Name  said  to  refer  to  an  eddy  at  the  base  of  a waterfall. 

115  Tse,  sticks,  which  were  left  there  after  a prayer.  See  page  253. 

116  Name  said  to  refer  to  a prairie. 

117  Name  said  to  refer  to  shining  gravel. 

ns  Name  refers  to  a strong  sweep  of  the  wind  at  that  place. 

119  Name  said  to  refer  to  “many  rocks  in  the  river.”  Cf.  the  name  for  site 
ah.  Tse  means  rocks,  also  sticks. 

120  First  village  above  Canon  creek  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  river,  position 
not  definitely  located. 

121  Second  village  above  Canon  creek  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  river,  position 
not  definitely  located. 

122  Three  houses,  three  or  four  miles  below  the  mouth  of  Maple  creek.  Name 
said  to  refer  to  a low  prairie. 

123  Same  name  also  given  to  a prairie  half  a mile  up  the  creek  from  its  mouth; 
ituk,  up,  also,  east. 

124  Location  not  determined ; an  eddy,  a deep  fishing  hole.  See  similar  name 
for  site  ag. 

125  Two  houses  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  two  or  three  miles  below  Maple 
creek. 

126  Ten  or  more  houses  two  miles  below  Maple  creek. 

127  Name  said  to  refer  to  a prairie  near  by,  known  as  hinukerchenditfen. 


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The  following  are  the  Athapascan  names  of  creeks  along  Mad 
river : 

Mad  river,  nilin-taike  ’128 

Mill  creek,  nawilin 

Warren  creek,  kaghuntaui-tini29 

Lindsey  creek,  honsokhot 

Hall  creek,  djonohat 

North  fork  of  Mad  river,  ginande'hot 

Wind  creek,  dj  ’endje-what130 

, artes-slanke,  ‘ ‘ grasshopper-  ? ’ ’ 

First  creek  below  Canon  creek,  mis-kwo 

Canon  creek,  ginatsano-whot 

Next  creek  east,  getseer-whot 

Dry  creek,  artes-slandjeolin,  “ grasshopper-  V 7 

First  creek  north  of  Foster  creek,  sitdjikaite,  sitdjita-whot 

Foster  creek,  djelud-whut131 

Butler  creek,  dj  ’endje-whot132 

Black  creek,  tse-tak-whot 

Maple  creek,  djemeta-whot133 

Boulder  creek,  yinalinowhot 

Wiyot  Names  Obtained  by  Kroeber  and  Waterman 

A.  L.  Kroeber  and  T.  T.  Waterman  in  the  course  of  other  studies 
obtained  a considerable  number  of  Wiyot  names  of  places,  not  alone 
in  the  territory  of  the  Wiyot  but  in  the  territory  of  the  surrounding 
peoples  as  well,  and  also  a list  of  Yurok  names  of  places  in  Wiyot 
territory.  The  orthography  in  these  lists  is  as  taken  from  a manu- 
script of  Dr.  Kroeber ’s  and  is  as  follows : l,  surd  1,  perhaps  usually 
spirant,  but  probably  sometimes  affirmative;  g,  spirant,  always  in 
Yurok,  often  in  Wiyot ; q,  velar ; x,  postpalatal  spirant ; s,  nearly  like 
sh;  er,  vocalic  r;  a,  similar  to  a in  hat.  The  Wiyot  names  for  the 
various  neighboring  peoples  follow : 

Crescent  City  and  Smith  river  Indians,  dalawa 
Karok  Indians,  gura-daliL 

Karok  language,  gura-daliL-rakwe-lak  or  denakwate-lak 

Hupa  Indians,  hap  ’tana 

Upper  Trinity  river  Indians,  deiwin 

Chilula  and  Whilkut,  wis-aski3* 

i23  A small  river  or  creek  is  called  nilin,  a large  river,  hantne. 

129  Name  said  to  refer  to  birds,  like  crows,  flying  about. 

iso  See  footnote  118. 

isi  Name  said  to  refer  to  the  many  fish,  including  crooked  nose  salmon,  that 
go  up  this  large  creek. 

132  See  footnote  118. 

133  Djemewhung , white  pine. 

134  Wisi,  inland,  east.  The  term  Wishosk,  through  a misunderstanding,  has 
been  erroneously  applied  as  a designation  of  the  Wiyot  by  early  writers. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  293 


Athapascan  language,  wisi-lak, 

Non- Athapascan  people  of  upper  Mad  river,  da-sulatelu 
Wiyot  Indians  on  Mad  river,  batwat-dare-daliL 
Indians  on  Humboldt  bay,  wiki-dare-daliL 
Wiyot  Indians  on  Eel  river,  wiyot-dare-daliL 

The  Wiyot  place  names,  presumably  either  archaeological  or  mod- 
ern village  sites,  as  obtained  by  A.  L.  Kroeber  and  T.  T.  Waterman, 
follow.  They  are  arranged  in  order  down  the  coast  and  up  each  suc- 
ceeding river.  Some  of  them  can  be  identified  with  sites  located  by 
the  writer;  others  are  perhaps  second  names  for  sites  mentioned  in 
the  writer’s  lists;  while  still  others  are  undoubtedly  sites  either  not 
located  at  all  by  the  writer  or  sites  for  which  he  obtained  no  names. 
Two  of  the  informants  were  Yurok  Indians  at  Trinidad  who  knew 
both  the  Wiyot  and  the  Yurok  names,  but  doubtless  the  pronuncia- 
tion of  Wiyot  names  is  more  or  less  modified.  And  for  that  matter, 
the  writer  noticed  a considerable  variety  of  pronounciation  among 
the  Wiyot  themselves. 

Mouth  of  Wilsons  creek,  daliL-rukiwar,  “ stream- ?” 

Requa,  katka-daliL 
Weitchpec,  takeluwaliL 
Orleans,  gatsewinasiss 

Medildin  (Hupa),  haluwi-tulaliyut-hu,  haluwi-talaleyuL13^ 

Xowunkut  (Hupa),  dabotsere 
Gold  Bluff  (Yurok  espeu),  eskaps 
Orick,  haps 

Below  Bair,  kawa’Lakwi37 
Bair,  tanatapLagerawakwiss 

Berry,  dalekwuta’n,  dalekwuta ’l139 
Stone  Lagoon  (Yurok,  tsahpekw),  tsi’pus 
Big  Lagoon  (Yurok  oketo),  ri’tsap 
Patricks  Point,  tsirokwani40 
Wooded  point  beyond,  datsai 
Near  a mill,  talaikakwo 

Trinidad,  dakatsawayawan,  dakatsawayawikm 

Site  1,  dapelo’L 

Honda  Landing,  dotwiL 

Site  2,  pletkasamale,  pletkaLsamaliLi42 

135  Orleans  is  the  seat  of  several  Karok  villages. 

136  Haluwi,  boat.  For  location  see  map  in  present  series,  I. 

137  -alcw,  locative  suffix,  at,  in,  on.  This  village  on  Redwood  creek  is  perhaps 
site  m in  P.  E.  Goddard’s  Notes  on  the  Chilula,  present  series,  x,  1914. 

138  Site  p of  Goddard’s  Notes  on  the  Chilula. 

139  At  the  bridge  five  miles  above  Bair. 

no  An  important  place  in  myths. 

141  George  Davidson,  Pacific  Coast  Pilot,  p.  104,  1869,  gives  the  Indian  name 
of  Trinidad  bay  as  Sho'-ran. 

142  Piet,  rock ; Tcasam,  small. 


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Mad  Eiver  bridge,  katsewinats 
Site  9,  we’tso 

Site  o,  derawa-weraya-yegani 
Site  z,  dat-ikwog-ak,  “up-?-at” 

Site  y(?),  (Yurok  oslegoi),  daridiwiyagak 

Site  ah(I),  dagatsa-wogeraki43 
Murphy,  dat-hanetkek,  “up-?”i44 
, dariwetsaruwe145 

Three  Cabins,  pleta-lauleli ’n,  “ rocks  crossed” 

Eock  point,  plet-kukatsi46 

North  Spit  lighthouse,  kas-wegarameki47 

Site  14,  katawayawik 

Site  15(?),  walepLi^s 

Site  16(?),  laliL-wak,  ‘ 1 stream-at ”149 

Site  17,  hiegatgak,  hieratgak 

Site  21,  watseLwatsk 

Samoa,  tabayat 

Site  23,  witkiiso 

, kotsir,  il  crow  ”isi 

Site  31,  tokelomigimili52 

Site  39,  mipet 

Site  al,  goketen,  koktin 

Jacoby  creek  mouth,  siruktami 

Site  am,  kumaidada 

Site  an,  kaweLats 

Near  Eureka,  moper-akw 

Site  67,  dulawat 

Site  68,  atberol 

Site  69,  tsarutsitsiwiL 

Site  70,  taLekaliL 

Flanagan  mill,  hakwesa 

143  Described  as  being  west  of  Bald  mountain  in  the  drainage  area  of  North 
fork. 

144  On  the  ridge  northeast  of  Maple  creek. 

145  On  Mad  river  about  fifteen  miles  above  Blue  Lake,  which  would  make  it 
near  Boulder  creek,  if  any  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  estimate  of  the  distance. 

146  A large  point  of  rock  on  Mad  river  upstream  from  the  last. 

. 147  South  end  of  North  Spit;  Teas,  small. 

148  Cf.  name  for  site  113. 

149  There  is  a small  marsh  and  slough  in  front  of  site  16,  which,  according  to 
early  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  charts,  were  formerly  more  pronounced  than  at 
present. 

iso  Given  by  a Yurok  as  the  Wiyot  equivalent  for  his  name  teuhpo,  which  was 
near  Samoa  on  the  line  of  travel  from  Gunther  island  to  Mad  river;  hence  it  must 
be  site  23.  The  name  witki  was  said  to  refer  to  a dance  held  here,  agreeing  with 
a statement  of  Eobert  Gunther  that  the  Indians  used  to  dance  at  site  23. 

151  The  Yurok  name  erterqer  was  said  to  refer  to  a creek  or  slough  running 
parallel,  probably  meaning  either  a small  slough  in  a marsh  or  a channel  in  the 
tide  flats.  It  was  south  of  site  31  (Yurok  eni’qolei,;  Wiyot,  tokelomigimil)  with 
two  inhabited  places  between,  whose  names  had  been  forgotten. 

152  The  Yurok  equivalent  eni’qoleL  is  said  to  mean  il sand-dunes  go  over.” 
Old  sand-dunes  over  twenty  feet  in  elevation  now  covered  with  beach  pine  reach 
to  the  bay  near  site  31  and  the  name  was  given  perhaps  in  memory  of  the  time 
when  fresh  sand-dunes  encroached  upon  the  bay. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  295 

Butcher,  site  71,  tsewakwer-akw 
Fort  Humboldt,  site  72,  tsuwatskerer 

, wamel 

Site  73,  kutsoweLik 
Site  77,  iksare 

South  of  Elk  river,  tarogapLi 
Site  79,  tserokigetsk 
, potiLik 

, plets-wak,  <<rocks-at,’153 

Fields  Landing,  dji’djar 
Site  90,  dakduwaka 

, legetku15* 

Site  112,  bimiriiss 
Loleta,  katawaLat 

Fortuna,  dakwagerawaki56 

Bohnerville,  haki-gaswa 

Alton,  watsayeridiL 

Hydesville,  tsiwilit 

Rio  dell,  dakimaki57 

Ferndale,  butsatswiL 

Site  114,  dakdayogak 

Site  115,  lalitara’dek 

Site  117,  datogak 

Bear  river  mouth,  tswaregadatsiL 

Mattole  river  mouth,  wetsariL 

The  following  are  the  Wiyot  names  of  rivers  and  creeks  as  obtained 
by  Kroeber  and  Waterman: 

Klamath  river,  ikti’n,  hikti’n 
Trinity  river,  takeluwaliL 
Redwood  creek,  darebus,  hale-wisiiss 
Stone  Lagoon,  tsi’piis 
Big  Lagoon,  ri’tsap 

Little  river,  plet-kasam-ale,  11  rock-small-  V’ ; plet-kaLsamaliL 

Mad  river  district,  batawat 

Mad  river  crossing,  takelawakui59 

Warren  creek,  derawa-weraya-yegani 

Vance  creek,  swaptil-haluwi-laliL,  “ ?-boat-creek’ ’ 

Lindsey  creek,  taboderus-datige-raliL,  ‘ ‘wild  potato- ?-creek ’ ’ 

153  This  name  is  identical  with  that  of  site  48,  but  judging  from  the  meaning, 
‘ 1 rocks-at,  ’ ’ there  might  be  more  than  one  place  with  this  name. 

154  The  Yurok  equivalent  lepLen  was  on  a promontory,  perhaps  meaning  a 
point  of  high  land  as  at  site  102,  or  perhaps  a point  of  marsh  as  at  site  108,  see 
footnote  78.  Two  Yurok  informants  disagreed  as  to  its  position,  one  placing  it 
on  the  South  Spit  and  the  other  at  the  south  end  of  the  bay. 

155  The  location  was  somewhat  confused  in  the  information  given  by  the 
Yurok  informants,  but  was  definitely  placed  by  one  Wiyot  at  the  breakwater, 
site  112. 

156  Cf.  with  names  of  sites  ar  and  av. 

157  Below  Scotia. 

158  Wisi,  east  or  inland. 

159  Probably  opposite  site  7,  which  Tom  Brown  mentioned  as  a ferry. 


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North  fork,  rulit 

Mad  River  slough,  tabagaukwa 

Humboldt  bay  district,  wiki 

Daniels  slough,  mipet 

Freshwater  creek,  kumaidada 

Ryan  slough,  kaweLats 

Elk  river,  iksare 

Salmon  creek,  dakduwaka 

Eel  river  district,  wiyot 

Van  Duzen  river,  haki-tege-raliL160 

Salt  river,  hoket 

Guthrie  creek,  lalitara’dek 

Oil  creek,  datogak 

Bear  river,  tswaregadatsiL 

Mattole  river,  me’dol  metol 

Among  the  miscellaneous  Wiyot  names  obtained  by  Kroeber  and 
Waterman  are  the  following : 

Redding  Rock,  tsugitsetswelage.  This  is  a rock  94  feet  in  elevation  and  famous 
for  its  mussels,  situated  five  miles  offshore  opposite  Gold  Bluff. 

Trinidad  Head,  kLonetsk. 

A marsh  near  site  67,  hetseL.  This  is  probably  Bird  island. 

Cape  Mendocino,  tsekiot. 

Bald  Hills,  between  lower  Redwood  creek  and  the  Klamath,  talawulitskilik. 

A high  mountain  between  Mad  river  and  Redwood  creek,  probably  Chaparral 
mountain,  yerded  ’hi.isi 

Bear  River  mountains,  tsakiuwit. 

Dows  Prairie,  plet-alawakwaun,  “rock-?’' 

Areata  Prairie,  gudene,  gudinin. 

Kneeland  Prairie,  gukets. 

A place  near  Singley  on  Eel  river,  wukL-akw.  This  corresponds  with  the  name 
woadok  obtained  by  the  writer  for  the  trail  over  which  the  party  of  L.  K.  Wood 
was  guided  to  Eel  river. 

Table  Bluff,  raluaka.  This  corresponds  with  laloeka,  the  trail  along  the  ridge 
of  Table  Bluff. 

Some  of  the  Yurok  information  regarding  the  south  end  of  the  bay  was  con- 
fusing, ayo,  1 1 ferry,  ’ ; being  given  as  the  Yurok  name  of  a village  whose  Wiyot 
equivalent  was  variously  given  as  haluwiL,  “ferry,”  and  tektuwit.  The  two 
names  together  would  correspond  to  toktowoka-holowoL,  the  trail  from  site  90  to 
the  top  of  Table  Bluff. 

In  the  Journal  of  American  Folk-Lore,  A.  L.  Kroeberi62  mentions  twutka- 
dalagerili  as  being  on  Eel  river  opposite  Table  Bluff.  As  the  ending  of  the  name 
seems  to  be  the  same  as  the  ending  of  the  names  for  the  mouths  of  Lindsey  and 
Hall  creeks,  the  writer  surmises  that  this  is  the  name  for  the  mouth  of  McNulty 
slough  or  some  other  slough  of  the  vicinity.  In  the  myth  concerning  this  place 
men  embark  in  a boat  and  go  across  the  ocean  to  a place  called  shure,  where  a 
woman  is  obtained.  After  the  marriage  the  couple  live  at  dapeletgek,  Areata 
Bottom. 

iso  Cf . haki  with  the  name  for  Rohnerville ; and  for  tege-ralih  see  footnotes 
95  and  90. 

161  See  footnote  65. 

162  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Wishosk  Myths,  op.  cit.,  p.  105. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  297 


Yurok  Names  Obtained  by  Kroeber  and  Waterman 
The  Yurok  called  their  southern  neighbors  speaking  the  Wiyot 
language  the  weyet  or  weyot.  Such  Yurok  geographical  names  ob- 
tained by  Kroeber  and  Waterman  as  occur  within  the  limits  of  the 
accompanying  map,  plate  1,  will  here  be  given. 

Trinidad,  tsurai 
Site  2,  metskoi63 
, neqeqwie* 1 * * * * *64 

Strawberry  creek,  poyura 

, pa’olus,  “water  find  ’ U65 

Site  4,  ma’awori66 

Site  5,  sepola,  “ prairie  ’ '167 

Site  a,  tegwol168 

Site  7(?),  osoq169 

Mill  Creek  falls  (?),  lohLqoekonan,  “rock  has”170 
Site  9,  erlerwi7i 
, nerqerq,  wo ’men*  7 2 

Lindsey  creek  (?),  otegoisolege ’l,  “they  dig  wild  potatoes” 

, otegoiumerneri 

Bine  Lake,  oslegoi 
Site  23,  teulipo’178 

, erterqeri74 

Site  31,  eni’qoleL,  “sand-dunes  go  over ”175 

163  Had  four  houses  and  one  sweat-house.  See  footnote  94. 

164  Location  unknown,  but  to  the  south  of  Little  river  there  is  a cliff  of  blue 
clay  filled  with  fossil  mollusks  and  springs,  the  water  of  which  accumulates  in 
freshwater  lagoons  worthy  of  names. 

165  Possibly  either  the  creek  at  site  3 or  a freshwater  lagoon. 

166  Had  seven  houses  and  one  sweat -house. 

167  Described  by  different  informants,  both  Yurok  and  Wiyot,  as  a place  of 
unusual  importance,  being  the  seat  of  the  Jumping  dance.  Located  upstream 
from  erlerw,  but  only  about  half  a mile  from  the  ocean.  It  must  be  site  5.  It  was 
said  to  have  ten  or  fifteen  houses  and  two  sweat-houses.  The  writer  regarded 
site  5 as  an  uninhabited  archaeological  site  on  top  of  the  bluff  just  above  site  4. 
It  was  used  at  times  somewhat  as  we  use  picnic  grounds,  hence  the  “ten  or 
fifteen  houses  ’ ’ must  be  considered  to  comprise  all  the  houses  at  site  4 together 
with  any  and  all  houses  in  the  vicinity. 

168  Had  three  houses. 

169  Upstream  from  sepola;  had  five  houses  and  a sweat-house. 

170  The  only  description  is  that  it  was  on  Mad  river  about  a mile  from  the 

mouth.  The  trail  to  the  world  of  the  dead  was  believed  to  begin  here.  The  name 
meaning  ‘ 1 rock  has  ’ ’ would  suggest  Mill  Creek  falls.  Site  8,  a place  of  mytholog- 
ical interest,  was  either  at  the  falls  or  not  far  away. 

171  The  name  was  said  to  refer  to  an  abundance  of  green  grass,  perhaps  some 
food  species.  It  was  located  about  two  miles  upstream  from  tegwol  and  had 
twenty  houses.  We  would  hardly  expect  one  village  to  have  so  many  houses,  hence 
we  must  conclude  that  the  name  was  given  to  the  district,  comprising  several 
villages  in  the  vicinity  of  site  9. 

172  Two  uninhabited  places  apparently  on  the  north  side  of  Mad  river  some- 
where below  Lindsey  creek. 

173  gee  footnote  150. 

174  See  footnote  151. 

175  See  footnote  152. 


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, yotsoqegei,  “boat  portage  ”176 

, olog,  “floats”  or  “swamp ”177 

Freshwater,  site  am(?),  hikets 
Site  67,  olog,  “floats” 

, qwo  ’mo  ’ 

Site  79,  oknuL,  eknuL,  “deep  water” 
Salmon  creek  mouth,  lamaL,  “eel-pot” 
Site  90(?),  ayo,  “ ferry ”178 

, lepLen,  leplemi79 

Site  112,  piminiso 


ABOBIGINAL  POPULATION 

Expedition  of  McKee,  1851. — At  the  time  of  the  gold  excitement 
in  California,  the  federal  government  had  no  satisfactory  information 
regarding  the  numbers,  characteristics,  and  environment  of  the  Indian 
population  of  the  state,  and  in  consequence  Congress  made  a special 
appropriation  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  desired  information. 
Three  special  commissioners  were  appointed,  Colonel  G.  W.  Barbour, 
Dr.  0.  M.  Wozencraft,  and  Colonel  Redick  McKee,  who  had  all 
arrived  in  California  by  January  8,  1851. 

In  less  than  two  months  this  commission  made  a majority  report 
estimating,  on  the  basis  of  information  derived  from  such  of  the  old 
settlers  as  had  travelled  extensively  among  the  various  tribes,  that 
the  Indian  population  of  the  state  was  between  200,000  and  300,000. 
But  McKee  sent  in  a minority  report  in  which  he  said  that  from  his 
information  he  “would  greatly  reduce  the  number”  of  Indians  as 
estimated  by  the  other  commissioners.  His  opinion  no  doubt  was 
influenced  by  the  rugged,  barren  aspect  of  the  coast  as  seen  from 
aboard  ship,  and  noting  the  altogether  too  frequent  tendency  of  the 
Californian  to  exaggerate,  he  decided  to  take  the  opposite  extreme. 

In  August,  1851,  McKee  left  Sonoma,  heading  an  expedition  which 
spent  four  months  visiting  the  Indians  of  Clear  lake,  Eel  river  valley, 
Humboldt  bay,  and  Klamath,  Salmon  and  Scott  rivers.  The  party 
contained  about  forty  men,  of  whom  most  were  an  escort  of  soldiers 
under  Major  H.  W.  Wessells,  U.  S.  A.  The  entire  scientific  staff  con- 
sisted of  one  person,  George  Gibbs,  a practical  topographical  engineer 

!76  An  undetermined  place  understood  to  be  a portage  between  the  ocean  and 
Mad  Biver  slough. 

177  The  most  important  place  with  this  name  was  on  Gunther  island,  but  there 
was  understood  to  be  a second  place  with  the  same  name  on  Mad  Biver  slough. 

178  See  page  296. 

179  See  footnote  154. 

180  See  footnote  155. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  299 


who  had  previously  been  attached  to  the  Indian  commission  in  Oregon, 
and  who  was  acquainted  with  the  Chinook  jargon  which  it  was  errone- 
ously supposed  would  be  of  service  in  communicating  with  California 
Indians.  Gibbs  mingled  freely  with  the  Indians,  dividing  his  time 
between  map  making  and  language  study,  although  hampered  by  lack 
of  interpreters. 

Eedick  McKee  occupied  himself  with  his  duties  as  business  man- 
ager of  the  expedition  and  in  gathering  knowledge  concerning  the 
Indians  by  conversing  with  the  ‘ ‘ gentlemen  ’ ’ of  various  callings  found 
in  the  mining  camps.  John  McKee  acted  as  secretary.  The  several 
journals  kept  by  members  of  this  expedition  and  their  notes  and  corre- 
spondence furnish  us  with  some  of  our  first  information  of  the  Wiyot 
as  well  as  other  tribes  of  northern  California.181 

It  might  be  mentioned  that  the  object  of  the  expedition  was  to 
make  an  impression  upon  the  “savage”  by  a display  of  pomp,  by 
expending  an  enormous  amount  of  money  in  the  distribution  of  a few 
cheap  presents,  and  by  making  treaties  with  promises  of  enough  annui- 
ties to  bankrupt  the  government.  The  Alta  California  of  July  10, 
1852,  says:  “The  act  creating  three  Indian  Commissioners  for  Cali- 
fornia was  passed  during  the  session  of  1849-50.  . . . $30,000  was 
appropriated.  ...  At  the  session  of  1850-51,  $25,000  more  was  ap- 
propriated. . . . Thus  upon  a cash  basis  of  $55,000,  a debt  of  nearly 
$800,000  has  been  created!” 

McKee’s  Estimate  of  Population. — McKee  reports  that  “on  this 
journey,  as  elsewhere  in  California,  I have  found  the  Indian  popula- 
tion almost  universally  overrated  as  to  numbers,  and  underrated  as  to 
intelligence  and  capacity  for  improvement.  ...  I make  the  actual 
number  less  than  one-half  (generally  about  two-fifths)  of  the  number 
usually  estimated  by  the  settlers.”  He  estimated  the  Indian  popula- 
tion of  the  greater  half  of  the  drainage  area  of  Eel  river — “on  the 
mountains  and  valleys  of  Eel  river,  south,  middle,  and  Vanduzen’s 
forks,  and  about  its  mouth  ’ ’■ — to  be  about  five  hundred,  a most  curious 
estimate  indeed  when  we  consider  that  the  river  is  the  fourth  largest 
in  California.  He  also  placed  the  population  of  ‘ 4 Humboldt  bay  and 
north  to  Mad  river”  at  three  hundred. 

In  order  for  us  to  put  the  correct  value  upon  these  figures  it  would 
be  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  parties  of  white  men  had  begun  to  over- 

i8i  R.  McKee,  33  Cong.  spec,  sess.,  serial  no.  688,  doc.  4,  pp.  134-235;  H.  W. 
Wessells,  34  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial  no.  906,  doc.  76,  pp.  59-68;  George  Gibbs,  Journal, 
vocabularies,  etc.,  in  H.  R.  Schoolcraft,  Indian  Tribes,  in,  99—177,  428-455. 


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run  the  country  a few  months  previously  and  had  already  fired  upon 
the  Indians  in  several  places,  killing  some,  so  that  it  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  McKee  induced  them  to  come  into  his  camps.  Hence 
it  was  that  the  preconceived  ideas  of  McKee  in  regard  to  the  number 
of  Indians  in  California  were  confirmed. 

McKee  made  a few  statements  indicating  that  he  found  the  Indian 
population  of  northern  California  on  the  decline.  He  said:  “For 
many  years  past  the  Indian  population  has  been  rapidly  diminishing 
by  diseases  introduced  by  the  whites,  internal  dissensions,  and  in  some 
cases  by  want  of  food.  At  Humboldt  bay  and  at  other  places  on  the 
coast,  where  they  depend  almost  wholly  on  fish,  crabs,  etc.,  many 
sicken  and  die  every  winter.” 

Estimates  of  Gibbs  and  Wessells. — Probably  most  of  the  informa- 
tion on  the  Wiyot  Indians  was  obtained  during  a five  days’  stay  near 
the  present  site  of  Fortuna.  Though  only  sixteen  months  had  elapsed 
since  the  discovery  of  Eel  river,  there  were  already  about  thirty  set- 
tlers with  seven  or  eight  farms  taken  up.  One  of  these  settlers  had 
married  a Wiyot  woman  but  had  not  had  time  to  acquire  much  of  the 
language.  However,  he  was  of  some  service  to  Gibbs  and  accompanied 
him  wherever  he  went  while  in  Wiyot  territory. 

Gibbs  made  a two  days’  canoe  trip  down  the  river  to  within  two 
miles  of  the  mouth,  visiting  the  Indian  villages,  which  “were  very 
numerous,  but  consisting  generally  of  only  two  or  three  families,” 
whose  appearance  was  very  wretched,  much  sickness  prevailing  every- 
where. ‘ ‘ The  principal  diseases  noticed,  ’ ’ says  Gibbs,  ‘ ‘ were  sore  eyes 
and  blindness,  consumption,  and  a species  of  leprosy;  not  however, 
the  result  of  syphilis,  which  has  never  been  introduced.  From  their 
own  accounts,  their  numbers  have  been  greatly  thinned  by  a disease, 
from  the  description  appearing  to  have  been  gastritis.”  In  addition 
to  other  information  it  was  learned  that  the  tribes  on  the  coast  from 
Cape  Mendocino  to  Mad  river  and  as  far  up  Eel  river  as  the  mouth  of 
Van  Duzen  river  spoke  substantially  the  same  language,  though  the 
dialect  on  the  bay  differed  from  that  on  Eel  river.  The  people  in 
this  area  were  known  b^  their  neighbors  as  Wee-yot.  The  number 
of  those  on  Eel  river  and  Humboldt  bay  was  thought  to  fall  short  of 
five  hundred. 

Captain  H.  W.  Wessells  says  that  five  days  were  consumed  in  a 
fruitless  endeavor  to  gather  the  Indians,  numbering  about  three  hun- 
dred on  lower  Eel  river,  that  a treaty  might  be  made ; but  the  means 
of  communication  proved  so  imperfect  that  nothing  could  be  done. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  301 


The  three  accounts  of  McKee,  Gibbs,  and  Wessells  together  throw 
light  on  the  condition  of  the  Wiyot,  but  when  it  comes  to  an  estimate 
of  population,  McKee  comments  upon  the  difficulty  of  forming  an 
opinion.  In  all  the  accounts  scarcely  any  mention  is  made  of  the 
Indians  living  on  the  bay  or  on  Mad  river  and,  judging  by  the  route 
taken,  the  principal  Indian  settlements  were  probably  not  visited  at 
all.  Hence  the  estimates  are  decidedly  too  low. 

As  a consignment  of  goods  was  landed  at  Trinidad,  McKee  made  a 
side  trip  by  going  from  Areata  to  that  place,  where  he  found  fifty 
Indians  whom  he  called  the  Kiri,  their  chief  being  Oq-qua. 

Estimate  of  Buchanan,  1853. — In  February,  1852,  Colonel  R.  C. 
Buchanan  was  sent  to  establish  a military  post  on  Humboldt  bay. 
Eighteen  months  later  he  forwarded  a most  excellent,  four-page  report 
on  what  he  called  the  So-lot-luck  Indians182  living  on  Humboldt  bay 
and  on  lower  Eel  and  Mad  rivers.  Though  the  entire  report  contains 
much  of  ethnological  value,  we  will  quote  but  a little  concerning  the 
population,  diseases,  and  probable  ultimate  extinction  of  the  tribe. 

Their  peculiar  habits  of  life  render  them  especially  liable  to  scrofulous  com- 
plaints, and  accordingly  it  is  a most  common  thing  to  see  them  greviously  afflicted 
in  this  way.  From  the  character  of  their  food,  the  very  general  habit  of  continued 
intermarriage,  and  the  miserable  huts  in  which  they  dwell,  it  follows  that  they 
have  much  hereditary  disease,  and  are  consequently  not  long  lived.  The  majority 
of  those  with  whom  I have  met  seem  to  be  chiefly  affected  in  their  eyes,  in  very 
many  instances  having  lost  one ; and  I am  informed  by  assistant  Surgeon  Dyerle, 
who  has  been  over  a large  portion  of  California,  that  there  are  decidedly  more 
severe  cases  of  these  scrofulous  affections  among  them  than  among  any  others  that 
he  has  seen.  . . . The  So-lot-lucks  number  about  eight  hundred  souls,  two-thirds 
of  whom  are  women  and  children,  and  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors.  . . . 

It  would  . . . seem  unnecessary  for  me  to  favor  the  department  with  any 
reflections  on  the  subject  of  our  Indian  relations,  as  such  reflections  would  prob- 
ably be  considered  much  more  sound  by  myself  than  by  any  one  who  might  read 
them.  I will,  therefore,  content  myself  with  the  remark,  that  among  these  people, 
and  all  others  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  our  country,  the  great  laws  of  civilization 
and  progress  are  surely  developing  themselves,  and  as  a consequence  a few  years 
more  will  number  them  with  the  things  that  were.  From  their  difference  of  habits 
and  interests,  engendering  hostility  among  themselves,  no  general  war  with  them 
need  ever  be  apprehended;  and  hence  the  steady  encroachments  of  the  white  man, 
from  every  direction,  will  produce  the  certain,  though  perhaps  gradual,  result  of 
their  utter  annihilation. 

Summary  of  Estimates. — Buchanan’s  estimate  of  800  Wiyot  in 
1853  is  probably  very  near  the  correct  number  for  that  date,  though 
that  would  not  be  at  the  time  of  their  greatest  prosperity. 

182  p.  c.  Buchanan,  op.'cit.  (see  footnote  21  of  present  paper),  pp.  23-26. 
According  to  A.  L.  Kroeber  da-sulatelu  is  the  Wiyot  name  of  a non- Athapascan 
people  of  upper  Mad  river.  See  page  293. 


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Various  epidemics,  like  smallpox,  measles,  and  fevers,  starting  in 
the  frontier  settlements  of  the  whites,  are  known  to  have  spread  over 
the  country  in  advance  of  the  settlers  themselves,183  one  example 
being  the  epidemic  of  smallpox  in  1781  sweeping  from  the  Missouri 
river  to  the  Pacific.  After  the  settlement  of  the  Columbia  river  there 
were  several  epidemics  of  measles  and  fevers.  In  1838  an  epidemic 
of  smallpox  originating  in  these  settlements  travelled  south  as  far  as 
San  Francisco  bay,  and  General  Vallejo  thought  that  70,000  Indians 
died  in  northern  California  frompts  effects.184  It  is  not  positively 
known  that  any  of  these  epidemics  earlier  than  1850  reached  Hum- 
boldt bay,  but  at  that  date  consumption  was  doing  its  deadly  work 
and  subsequently  has  been  the  disease  claiming  most  victims.  Pioneers 
of  the  region  speak  of  the  large  number  of  graves  found  at  various 
places  as  early  as  1850. 

Venereal  diseases,  both  syphilis  and  gonorrhoea,  were  introduced 
after  1850,  and  though  the  Wiyot  were  probably  as  restrained  as  most 
peoples,  when  once  these  diseases  obtained  a start  they  spread  with 
rapidity  because  of  the  crowded  conditions  in  which  the  Indians  lived. 
It  is  claimed  that  gonorrhoea  quickly  became  well  nigh  universal 
among  the  Indians,  who  had  no  method  of  treating  the  disease ; with 
the  result  that  after  a number  of  years  of  constant  drain  upon  their 
vitality  great  numbers  died,  especially  when  other  afflictions  super- 
vened. It  also  lowered  the  birth  rate,  so  that  at  the  present  time  there 
are  but  few  children  among  the  Wiyot. 

Now  as  450  Wiyot  (constituting  the  entire  stock,  except  for  a few 
who  were  intermarried  with  whites)  were  removed  to  the  reservation 
in  1860,  and  as  800  appears  to  be  a conservative  estimate  for  1853 
after  some  decrease  had  taken  place,  we  might  venture  to  put  the 
Wiyot  population  at  1000  previous  to  any  white  influence.  These  are 
likely  to  have  been  distributed  about  as  follows  : 250  on  Mad  river, 
350  on  Humboldt  bay,  and  400  on  Eel  river.  If  asked  to  give  an 
extreme  figure  for  the  native  population  residing  within  the  limits  of 
the  Wiyot  territory  at  any  past  time,  the  writer  would  say  1500,  and 
consider  any  higher  figure  pure  folly. 

Comparative  Density  of  Population. — James  Mooney185  has  esti- 

183  James  Mooney,  Bur.  Am.  Ethn.,  Bull.  30,  part  2,  p.  286,  1910;  John  Dunn, 
of  Hudson  Bay  Co.,  eight  years  resident  of  company’s  territories,  The  Oregon 
Territory  and  the  British  North  American  Fur  Trade  (Philadelphia,  1845), 
pp.  83-85. 

184  The  Works  of  Herbert  Howe  Bancroft  (San  Francisco,  Bancroft  Publish- 
ing Co.,  1886),  xxi,  73-74. 

185  James  Mooney,  op.  cit. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  303 

mated  the  aboriginal  population  of  the  United  States  (3,025,000 
square  miles  exclusive  of  outlying  possessions)  before  the  arrival  of 
whites  at  846,000,  which  would  make  an  average  density  of  .28  per 
square  mile.  But  California  was  much  more  densely  populated,  the 
estimates  varying  from  705,000  as  made  by  Stephen  Powers186  to 
260,000  as  made  by  C.  Hart  Merriam,187  and  150,000  as  made  by 
A.  L.  Kroeber.188  No  serious  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  first 
estimate,  although  made  by  a man  having  a most  unusually  compre- 
hensive knowledge  of  the  California  Indian. 

If  the  estimate  made  by  Dr.  Merriam  be  taken  as  a mean,  although 
possibly  it  is  too  high,  it  would  make  a density  of  population  of  1.64 
per  square  mile  for  a total  area  of  158,000  square  miles  of  forest, 
desert,  and  mountain  together  with  the  fertile  prairies,  marshes,  lakes, 
and  bays.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  at  this  estimate  California  had 
an  Indian  population  proportionately  eight  times  as  heavy  as  the 
remainder  of  the  United  States. 

The  Wiyot  held  about  465  square  miles  of  territory,  including  the 
24  square  miles  of  Humboldt  bay.  If  we  set  the  population  at  1000, 
this  would  make  a density  of  2.17  per  square  mile  of  land  and  water. 
Though  the  heavy  redwood  forest  would  furnish  scarcely  any  food, 
either  animal  or  vegetable,  yet  it  is  believed  that  there  was  a sufficient 
amount  of  prairie  land,  together  with  the  unusually  excellent  fisheries, 
to  enable  the  Wiyot  area  to  support  a population  somewhat  larger 
than  the  average  throughout  California,  though  perhaps  not  so  large 
as  at  a few  other  of  the  more  favorable  locations  in  the  state. 

If  we  compare  the  Humboldt  bay  region  with  the  San  Francisco 
bay  region,  we  find  that  in  the  latter  area  the  principal  tree  growth 
is  of  scattered  oaks,  which  both  furnish  an  abundant  food  and  leave 
room  for  other  species  of  food  plants.  We  should  expect  the  fishing 
to  be  poorer  at  San  Francisco  bay,  especially  to  a people  not  possessing 
boats.  However,  there  is  a considerable  amount  of  fish  bones  in  all 
the  mounds,  and  the  vegetable  foods  being  more  abundant,  on  the 
whole  a larger  population  could  be  supported  on  San  Francisco  bay 
than  on  Humboldt  bay. 

N.  C.  Nelson,189  in  his  paper,  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco 

186  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  416. 

187  C.  Hart  Merriam,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.,  vn,  594,  1905.  See  also  similar  figures 
in  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  21,  1860,  quoting  A.  S.  Taylor  in  California 
Farmer. 

188  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Bur.  Am.  Ethn.,  Bull.  30,  part  1,  p.  190,  1905. 

189  N.  C.  Nelson,  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco  Bay  Region,  op.  cit., 
p.  348. 


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Bay  Region,  makes  a rough  estimate  of  12,000  as  the  possible  aborig- 
inal population.  Within  the  boundaries  of  the  area  shown  on  his 
map  there  are  1650  square  miles  of  land  and  460  square  miles  occupied 
by  the  waters  of  the  bay,190  making  a total  of  2110  square  miles.  This 
would  make  5.58  people  per  square  mile  of  land  and  water.  This 
appears  as  a rather  large  estimate,  but  is  not  altogether  unbelievable 
when  we  consider  that  the  Spaniards  planted  four  missions  within  the 
area  mapped,  besides  one  just  beyond  its  boundaries,  or  five  out  of 
the  twenty-one  in  all  California.  The  mission  records  and  early 
historical  accounts  need  to  be  reviewed  in  the  light  of  recent  investi- 
gations in  archaeology  and  ethnology,  but  until  this  is  done  we  can 
perhaps  do  no  better  than  to  accept  the  figures  given  above. 

Population  per  Linear  Mile  of  Streams. — The  population  of  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  world  are  usually  compared  by  noting  the  density 
per  square  mile.  This  may  be  a correct  method  of  comparing  nations 
who  draw  their  sustenance  chiefly  from  the  land,  but  it  may  lead  to 
error  when  comparing  peoples  who  are  sustained  largely  by  fisheries. 
In  the  latter  case  a more  correct  comparison  might  be  made  by 
noting  the  number  of  people  per  linear  mile  of  sea  coast  where 
they  derive  their  food  from  the  ocean,  or  per  linear  mile  of  fishable 
streams. 

The  Wiyot  had  40  miles  of  ocean  coast,  of  which  only  3 miles  near 
Mad  river  and  6 or  8 miles  of  rocky  and  gravelly  coast  south  of  Eel 
river  would  be  of  much  value  as  a source  of  food  supply,  the  remain- 
der of  the  coast  being  sandy  and  not  adapted  for  the  best  of  fishing. 
Humboldt  bay  has  an  area  of  24  square  miles,  of  which  12  square  miles 
are  mud  flats  at  extreme  low  tide.  The  circumference  of  the  bay  is 
about  40  miles,  and  it  has  about  30  miles  of  deep  and  narrow  channels 
reaching  to  its  extremities.  These  channels  could  be  used  in  trawling 
for  salmon  at  the  time  of  the  semiannual  runs.  The  tide  extends  up 
Eureka  slough  and  Freshwater  creek  5 miles,  up  Elk  river  2 y3  miles, 
and  up  Salmon  creek  3%  miles.  These  stretches  of  salt  and  brackish 
water,  together  with  a few  of  the  main  sloughs,  would  make  a total 
of  30  miles  of  streams  emptying  into  Humboldt  bay  navigable  for 
canoes,  and  this  without  counting  the  multiplicity  of  minor  sloughs, 
which,  should  they  all  be  counted,  would  probably  make  an  additional 

190  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Zool.,  xiv,  20,  1914,  giving  the  area  of  San  Francisco 
bay  as  287.7  square  miles  and  San  Pablo  bay  as  112.3  square  miles.  To  this  we 
have  added  60  square  miles  for  the  area  of  Suisun  bay,  Carquinez  straits,  and 
several  of  the  larger  estuaries.  Of  this  total  of  460  square  miles  about  70  square 
miles  would  be  mud  flats  at  low  tide. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  305 

30  miles  of  navigable  channels.  Eel  river  also  has  about  30  miles 
of  sloughs,  counting  only  the  main  channels.  Adding  together,  we 
have : 

10  miles  of  ocean  coast  suitable  for  fishing 
30  miles  of  channels  in  Humboldt  bay 
30  miles  of  larger  sloughs  on  Humboldt  bay 
30  miles  of  larger  sloughs  on  Eel  river 

100  miles  of  salt  and  brackish  channels 

To  the  above  should  be  added  the  number  of  miles  of  freshwater 
streams  up  which  salmon  could  ascend.  Unfortunately,  this  figure 
cannot  be  given  with  exactness,  because  the  location  of  falls  on  many 
of  the  streams  is  not  known.  However,  counting  12  miles  of  Mad  river 
and  5 miles  of  Eel  river  as  not  affected  by  tides,  there  should  be 
between  50  and  80  miles  of  fresh  water  streams  up  which  salmon 
could  ascend.  This  makes  all  told  from  150  to  180  miles  of  streams 
and  channels  for  fishing.  With  the  Wiyot  population  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  1000,  we  should  then  have  a population  of  5 to  7 per  linear 
mile  of  fishing  streams. 


RELATION  OF  INDIANS  TO  WHITES 

It  can  be  said  for  the  Humboldt  bay  region  that  on  the  whole  the 
relations  between  the  Indians  and  whites  in  early  days  were  here  as 
harmonious  as  elsewhere  in  the  Pacific  states,  which,  however,  is  not 
saying  a great  deal,  because  some  of  the  contacts  were  such  that  the 
present  inhabitants  are  thoroughly  ashamed  of  them. 

To  a member  of  the  present  generation,  learning  only  a few 
isolated  facts  of  the  early  history,  it  may  seem  that  Humboldt  county 
is  preeminently  disgraced  by  a blot  of  greater  foulness  than  was  ever 
attached  to  any  other  locality.  But  it  is  unfair  to  take  a partial  view 
of  a few’  isolated  facts  and  then  sit  in  hasty  judgment.  As  we  increase 
our  fund  of  knowledge  concerning  a certain  period  cf  time  or  a cer- 
tain set  of  circumstances,  our  sympathies  should  be  broadened.  Even 
in  the  worst  of  criminal  cases,  extenuating  circumstances  are  often 
found.  We  would  make  a grievous  mistake  by  considering  an  isolated 
act  in  a past  age  apart  from  the  environment  of  that  age.  So  long 
as  there  is  any  degree  of  injustice  in  this  present  generation  for 
which  we  by  our  toleration  are  more  or  less  responsible,  we  have  no 
right  to  judge  too  harshly  a preceding  generation. 


306  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  SETTLERS 

It  is  a fact  that  ever  since  the  Atlantic  seaboard  was  first  settled, 
especially  since  the  first  wave  of  western  migration  broke  through 
the  passes  of  the  Appalachian  mountains,  there  have  been  elements 
of  anarchy  upon  our  frontier.  The  frontier  has  always  had  a noble, 
vigorous,  intelligent,  hardy,  pioneer  population,  but  at  the  same  time 
it  has  had  an  ignoble,  mean,  shiftless,  ignorant,  vicious,  and  treach- 
erous element  of  brutes,  who  boasted  that  they  were  white  men  and 
went  armed  to  the  teeth  with  rifle,  pistol,  and  bowie-knife  ready  to 
back  up  their  assertions.  This  class  upon  all  our  frontiers  has  been 
a prolific  cause  of  many  of  our  Indian  troubles.  They  lorded  it  over 
the  Indian  and  rode  roughshod  over  all  his  rights ; they  appropriated 
or  outraged  his  women;  and  they  shot  him  down  if  he  raised  the 
slightest  objection.  Some  Indian  tribes  had  vigor  enough  to  resent 
such  mistreatment  and 'take  revenge.  In  such  cases  innocent  whites 
often  suffered  severely  for  their  inability  to  control  the  vicious  element 
of  their  own  race. 

In  the  settlement  of  California  and  the  other  Pacific  states  we  had 
the  same  conditions  as  on  other  frontiers,  only  multiplied  many  fold. 
Most  of  the  eastern  states  were  settled  by  a gradual  movement  which 
allowed  the  Indians  time  to  adapt  themselves  to  changed  conditions. 
The  Pacific  states  in  general,  and  California  in  particular,  which  it 
is  asserted  was  at  one  time  about  eight  times  as  densely  populated  by 
Indians  as  the  remainder  of  the  United  States,191  were  settled  with  a 
rush  on  the  discovery  of  gold  in  1848.  At  that  date  there  were  many 
thousands  of  Indians  in  northern  California  who  had  never  seen  nor, 
perhaps,  even  heard  of  white  men. 

In  the  stream  of  immigration  every  nationality  and  every  extreme 
of  class  and  character  were  represented — the  best  and  the  worst  from 
every  clime.  The  energetic,  enterprising,  intelligent,  forceful  per- 
sonality here  found  an  arena  for  action.  Thither  also  came  the  ne  ’er- 
do-well,  the  loafer,  the  debtor,  the  defaulter,  the  criminal,  the  ex- 
convict, to  escape  the  consequences  of  their  misdeeds  elsewhere  and 
to  acquire  wealth,  as  they  thought,  without  effort.  There  were  college 
men  and  professional  men  in  abundance;  there  were  the  spoiled  sons 
of  wealth  and  nobility.  On  the  one  hand  there  were  the  educated,  the 
refined  hothouse  products  of  older  civilizations,  the  virtuous  who  had 
come  from  sheltered  communities  where  it  was  easy  to  be  good,  and 


191  See  discussion  under  heading  Aboriginal  Population. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  307 


on  the  other  hand  the  illiterate  frontiersman,  the  coarse,  the  brutal, 
and  the  professional  scoundrel.  In  fact,  during  the  early  mining  days 
in  California,  there  were  gathered  together  some  of  the  wildest,  most 
reckless,  savage,  and  dangerous  men  ever  collected  in  a similar  area 
anywhere  in  the  world.  As  Bancroft  says  :192  “ Human  nature  turned 
loose  into  an  unfenced  field  cuts  queer  capers, ...  It  was  a paradise 
for  wild  men. ’ ’ 

Most  of  the  crime  took  the  form  of  murder  or  assault  with  deadly 
weapons,  there  being  wholesale  violence  and  murder  in  many  of 
the  mining  camps,  and  for  this  there  was  little  or  no  punishment  be- 
cause every  man,  going  about  constantly  armed,  was  considered  fully 
capable  of  self  defense.  The  murderer  making  the  plea  of  self  defense 
stood  a good  chance  with  any  jury  unless  “Judge  Lynch”  presided 
over  the  trial.  Helper’s193  Land  of  Gold  estimates  in  1854  that  since 
the  opening  of  the  mines,  California  had  “invested  upwards  of  six 
millions  of  dollars  in  bowie-knives  and  pistols,”  and  he  finds  for  the 
same  period  4,200  murders  and  1,400  suicides,  besides  10,000  more 
miserable  deaths. 

In  seeking  a cause  for  such  a state  of  society  as  existed,  we  must 
bear  in  mind  that  the  Argonaut  came  with  hopes  raised  to  the  skies, 
unmindful  of  the  economic  laws  of  supply  and  demand  which  would 
make  it  imperative  that  a dollar’s  worth  of  labor  must  be  performed, 
on  the  average,  in  order  to  obtain  a dollar’s  worth  of  gold,  lest  it 
become  as  cheap  as  the  more  abundant  metals.  According  to  Ban- 
croft,194 the  production  of  gold  in  California  during  the  nine  years 
from  1848  to  1856  was  $456,000,000,  which  would  be  about  what  the 
whole  world  had  produced  during  the  forty  years  preceding  that  time. 
Thus  excitement  was  kept  up  and  wealth  was  made  by  those  whom 
fortune  favored,  but  multitudes  were  doomed  to  disappointment,  since 
on  the  whole  the  gold  taken  out  cost  about  three  times  its  value.  It 
has  been  estimated194  that  in  1852  there  were  100,000  men  actually 
engaged  in  mining  or  prospecting,  and  that  the  gold  production  for 
that  year  averaged  $600  per  man.  Taking  into  account  the  good 
fortune  of  a few,  this  means  that  the  majority  would  get  one  dollar  a 
day  or  less,  which  would  be  quite  inadequate  for  the  bare  necessities 
of  life  at  the  prices  prevailing  when  almost  all  goods  were  carried 
around  Cape  Horn. 

192  H.  H.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  xxxv,  248,  253,  1888. 

193  H.  R.  Helper,  Land  of  Gold:.  Reality  Versus  Fiction  (Baltimore,  Md.), 
p.  158,  1855. 

194  H.  H.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  xxiii,  423,  1888. 


308  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Great  numbers  out  of  employment,  stranded  without  a “grub- 
stake” to  start  for  themselves,  hung  around  the  chief  mining  camps 
waiting  for  a change  of  fortune  or  for  any  excitement  that  might  turn 
up.  Some  rallied  again  and  again  and  sought  new  diggings,  others 
went  into  a cataleptic  state,  a living  death.  Hardships  were  great ; the 
death  rate  was  high,  thousands  dying  of  privation;  there  was  no 
cheering  presence  of  women195  when  hope  was  gone;  the  percentage 
of  insanity196  was  higher  than  elsewhere  in  the  world;  multitudes 
sought  suicide ; what  wonder  then  that  some  became  desperadoes  ? 


CHARACTER  OF  HOSTILITIES 

Alongside  of  such  a society,  the  Indians’  chances  in  the  struggle 
for  existence  were  decidedly  unfavorable  and  they  rapidly  decreased 
in  numbers  throughout  the  state.  The  California  Indian  has  almost 
universally  been  characterized  by  every  writer  of  unprejudiced  mind 
as  being  the  most  docile  and  harmless  of  creatures.  He  made  but  little 
resistance,  yet  was  frequently  killed  for  the  most  trivial  of  causes. 
As  a newspaper  editorial  of  the  mining  days  states  :197 

A horse  is  stolen  or  lost — a traveler  disappears  or  is  found  slain  by  the  road- 
side; the  Indians  are  at  once  accused  as  the  robbers  or  murderers.  Execution 
follows  quickly  upon  suspicion.  No  proofs  are  sought  for,  no  trial  is  dreamed 
of.  There  are  certain  rude  and  turbulent  characters,  among  all  frontier  popu- 
lations, who  delight  in  violence;  to  such  men  the  hasty  foray  upon  an  Indian 
camp,  and  the  merciless  slaughter  of  its  inmates,  afford  unspeakable  pleasure. 

In  most  cases  where  an  Indian  or  even  a dozen  were  killed,  there 
were  no  serious  consequences  in  the  way  of  revenge,  as  was  the  case 
with  more  vigorous  tribes  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
matter  of  revenge  the  following  comments  by  the  New'  York  Times 
are  of  interest:198 

The  country  is  perfectly  wild  . . . and,  with  the  well  known  injustice  of  the 
miner  towards  anything  of  the  genus  Indian  or  Chinaman,  and  their  foolhardiness, 
they  will  get  up  a series  of  little  amusements  in  the  way  of  pistoling  and  scalping, 

195  For  some  years  after  the  discovery  of  gold  several  of  the  mining  counties 
had  less  than  two  per  cent  females  in  the  white  population;  in  1852  Trinity  county 
(comprising  all  the  present  area  of  Trinity  county  and  in  addition  that  part  of 
Humboldt  county  lying  south  of  a line  passing  through  the  mouth  of  Mad  river), 
had  23  females  in  a white  population  of  1,764.  See  appendix  to  U.  S.  Census  of 
1850,  page  969. 

196  in  1858  a legislative  committee  appointed  to  examine  the  Stockton  Insane 

Asylum  reported  through  Dr.  A.  W.  Taliaferro:  “We  believe  the  causes  of  it 

operate  more  strongly  here  than  in  any  other  portion  of  the  world.  ” See  San 
Francisco  Bulletin,  Feb.  22,  1858. 

197  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Dec.  14,  1859. 

198  New  York  Times,  July  or  August,  1858,  copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin, 
May  9,  1859. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  309 


quite  edifying.  It  is  the  custom  of  miners  generally  to  shoot  an  Indian  as  he 
would  a dog;  and  it  is  considered  a very  good  joke  to  shoot  at  one  at  long  shot, 
to  see  him  jump  as  the  fatal  bullet  pierces  his  heart.  And  when,  in  the  spirit 
of  retaliation,  some  poor  hunted  relative  watches  his  opportunity,  and  attacks  a 
straggling  white  man,  the  papers  at  once  teem  with  long  accounts  of  Indian 
outrages. 

Not  only  was  there  the  occasional  killing  of  small  numbers 
of  Indians,  bnt  between  1850  and  1873  a considerable  number  of 
slaughters,  either  by  state  troops  or  by  unauthorized  “volunteer  com- 
panies,” occurred  on  such  a scale  as  to  be  dignified  by  the  term  of 
“Indian  wars.”  In  1854  Congress  passed  an  act199  appropriating 
$924,259.65  to  reimburse  the  State  of  California  for  the  alleged  “ex- 
pense incurred  and  now  actually  paid,  by  the  State  of  California,  in 
the  suppression  of  Indian  hostilities  within  the  said  State,  prior  to” 
January  1,  1854.  Again  in  1861  another  act200  appropriated  $400,000 
to  quiet  the  claims  for  nine  “Indian  wars”  conducted  in  California 
during  the  years  1854  to  1859.  One  or  two  examples  will  illustrate 
the  character  of  these  wars.  In  1859,  in  the  vicinity  of  Round  Valley 
reservation,  seventy  miles  southeast  of  Humboldt  bay,  a campaign 
was  conducted  under  the  command  of  W.  S.  Jarboe  from  whose  report 
to  the  governor  we  take  the  following  extract  :201 

On  the  16th  day  of  September,  in  Eden  valley,  I mustered  into  the  service 
of  the  State  of  California  twenty  men  possessing  the  requisite  qualifications, 
mounted  on  horseback,  and  armed  with  rifles  and  pistols.  Up  to  that  time  the 
Indians  had  killed  nineteen  settlers  and  about  six  hundred  head  of  stock . . . and 
were  daily  committing  their  depredations.  . . . On  the  night  of  the  20th  Septem- 
ber, they  came  to  Eden  Valley  and  drove  off  some  cattle;  I followed  and  fought 
them  with  a detachment  of  ten  men;  and  from  the  same  date  to  the  24th  of 
January,  I fought  them  twenty-three  times,  killed  283  warriors,  the  number  of 
wounded  was  not  known,  took  292  prisoners,  sent  them  to  the  Reservation.  In 
the  several  engagements,  I had  four  men  severely  wounded,  as  well  as  myself. 

The  figures  here  given  of  the  number  of  Indians  killed  and  cap- 
tured are  only  for  that  period  of  time  when  the  company  was  acting 
under  the  authority  of  the  state.  For  a much  longer  time  previously, 
parties  of  armed  men  were  engaged  in  attacking  Indians  camps,  and 

199  U.  S.  Statutes,  x,  33  Cong.  1 sess.,  chap.  267,  approved  Aug.  5,  1854.  The 
total  expense  of  these  wars  previous  to  1854  was  claimed  to  be  $1,194,000,  but  in 
1860  the  governor  showed  that  the  real  expense  was  not  much  over  $100,000.  See 
San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Feb.  24,  1860. 

200  u.  S.  Statutes  xn,  36  Cong.  2 sess.,  chap.  71,  approved  Mar.  2,  1861.  See 
also  chap.  70  for  an  appropriation  of  a like  sum  for  wars  of  a similar  nature  in 
Oregon  and  Washington. 

201  Letter  of  W.  S.  Jarboe  to  the  governor,  submitted  by  him  to  the  legislature 
on  Feb.  21,  1860.  An  extract  was  published  in  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Feb. 
24,  1860.  The  original,  if  published  by  the  legislature,  was  not  located  by  the 
writer. 


310 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


it  was  only  when  they  had  proven  themselves  to  be  "men  possessing 
the  requisite  qualifications”  that  they  got  their  commission,  or  it 
might  better  be  called  license,  from  the  state.  A newspaper  of  the 
time  comments  on  this  report  of  Jarboe  as  follows:202 

He  fought  the  Indians  23  times!  Deliberate,  cowardly,  brutal  massacre  of 
defenceless  men,  women  and  children  he  calls  fighting!  He  killed  nearly  300  of 
these  poor  people.  .The  pretext  upon  which  these  butcheries  were  perpetrated  is 
that  19  settlers  had  been  killed  and  600  head  of  stock  stolen.  Now,  we  have  the 
testimony  of  Major  Johnson203  and  Lieut.  Dillon204  that  not  one  white  settler 
had  lost  his  life  in  that  region  at  the  hands  of  Indians  during  the  past  year — 
except  a person  who  was  killed  in  revenge  for  outraging  an  Indian  woman.  In 
fact,  all  these  tales  of  Indian  hostilities,  when  sifted,  are  proved  to  be  arrant 
fabrications. . . . Jarboe  reports  the  total  expense  of  his  expeditions  at  $11,143 — 
which  is  the  smallest  amount  of  blood-money  we  ever  heard  demanded  in  propor- 
tion to  the  murders  committed.  In  the  slaughter  of  this  hecatomb  of  victims,  it 
is  said  that  five  of  the  butchers  were  severely  wounded,  one  of  whom  was  Jarboe 
himself.  He  has  been  in  Sacramento  nearly  all  winter,  and  his  wounds  have 
never  before  been  heard  of. 

A similar  war  of  extermination  against  the  Pit  River  Indians  took 
place  in  1859.  Here,  where  the  Indians  had  the  reputation  of  being 
the  most  “courageous,  ferocious,  resourceful”  savages  of  California, 
about  200  were  killed  of  all  ages  and  sexes  and  1200  taken  prisoners. 
The  loss  to  the  American  side  was:  “killed  none,  wounded  2,”  which 
in  itself  shows  the  desperate  character  of  the  fighting,  especially  when 
we  are  told  that  the  wounded  would  recover.205 

Besides  the  campaigns  authorized  by  the  state,  volunteer  com- 
panies were  frequently  raised  for  the  purpose  of  making  a sally  on 
some  Indian  village.  Then,  if  more  serious  troubles  arose,  a town 
would  have  a mass  meeting  and  raise  a company  to  be  kept  in  the 
field  sometimes  for  months,  supported  either  by  private  subscription 
or  by  a special  tax,  always  with  the  hope  that  the  state  would  event- 
ually muster  the  company  into  its  service  and  reimburse  for  the 
outlay.  A common  practice  of  these  companies  was  to  make  a day- 
break attack  on  some  Indian  rancheria  and  kill  all  its  inmates  without 
regard  to  age  or  sex,  unless  perchance  they  spared  one  or  two  of  the 
younger  females  of  pleasing  appearance  to  take  along  with  them. 

Often  a few  men  followed  these  companies  for  the  special  purpose 
of  taking  possession  of  young  women  or  children  whose  parents  were 

202  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Feb.  24,  1860. 

203  Maj.  Edward  Johnson,  U.  S.  A.,  Letter  of  Aug.  21,  1859,  to  Maj.  W.  W. 
Maekall,  U.  S.  A.,  published  in  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Jan.  30,  1860. 

204  Lieut.  Edward  Dillon,  U.  S.  A.,  Report  of  Jan.  27,  1860,  published  in  Calif. 
Ass.  Jour.,  11  sess.,  p.  302. 

205  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Jan.  28,  1860. 


1918]  Loud:  Eth7iogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  311 


slain,  and  selling  them  in  the  centers  of  population  either  for  immoral 
purposes  or  as  servants.  There  was  a state  law  which  contributed 
much  to  the  success  of  this  enterprise.  According  to  this  law  Indians 
con  Id  be  made  apprentices  or  indentured  to  citizens  for  terms  of  ten 
to  fifteen  years.  It  may  or  may  not  have  been  intended  for  the  good 
of  the  Indians  to  teach  them  the  arts  of  civilization,  but  in  practice  it 
encouraged  the  kidnapping206  and  sanctioned  virtual  slavery  for  the 
young  and  able-bodied,  while  the  old  and  worn-out  were  left  to  shift 
for  themselves. 

An  illuminating  newspaper207  article  on  kidnapping  in  the  Mattole 
valley,  which  is  about  thirty  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of  Eel  river, 
shows  some  of  the  causes  contributing  toward  Indian  troubles: 

The  region  is  filled  at  this  season  with  American  hunters, . . . many  of  the 
hunters  were  . . . carrying  on  a traffic  in  which  they  had  previously  been  engaged, 
to  wit:  kidnapping  Digger  children  and  selling  them  in  different  parts  of  the 
country.  A great  many  Indians  have  thus  been  shot  down  in  cold  blood  by  these 
white  savages,  and  the  inhuman  practice  of  kidnapping  is  now  going  on  with 
the  steadiness  of  a regular  system. . . . 

Hundreds  of  lawless  white  men  [throughout  northern  California]  . . . pitch 
their  camps  from  place  to  place  through  the  mountains,  and  make  their  money 
partly  by  hunting,  partly  by  stealing  cattle  and  laying  it  to  the  Indians,  and 
partly  by  the  system  of  kidnapping  above  alluded  to. 

Humboldt  county  had  its  full  share  of  hunters,  cattle  thieves, 
and  kidnappers,  and  several  campaigns,  similar  in  nature  to  the 
examples208  given,  were  conducted  in  the  Bald  Hills  during  the  years 
from  1858  to  1864.  These  led  to  the  undoing  of  the  Wiyot  Indians, 
but  before  we  proceed  to  show  how  this  result  came  about,  it  will  be 
well  to  say  a few  words  about  the  reservation  system  of  northern 
California. 


RESERVATION  SYSTEM 

As  if  California  did  not  have  enough  troubles  of  her  own,  she  was 
in  addition  burdened  with  the  appointees  of  the  federal  government, 
whose  chief,  if  not  only  qualification  for  office  was  that  they  were  good 


206  e.  A.  Stevenson,  agent  Nome  Lackee  Reservation,  Report  July  31,  1856, 
34  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial  no.  893,  doc.  1,  p.  802;  J.  W.  Denver,  com’r  Ind.  aff., 
Report,  Nov.  30,  1957,  35  Cong.  1 sess.,  serial  no.  919,  doc.  11,  p.  298;  G.  M.  Han- 
son, supt.  Ind.  Aff.  N.  Cal.,  Report,  July  15,  1861,  37  Cong.  2 sess.,  serial  no.  1117, 
doc.  1,  pp.  757,  759 ; G.  M.  Hanson,  Report,  Dec.  31,  1861,  37  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial 
no.  1157,  doc.  1,  p.  459. 

207  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  July  23,  1857,  copying  Sacramento  Bee. 

208  11.  H.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  xxiv,  477,  1890,  says  that  California  “cannot 
grace  her  annals  with  a single  Indian  war  bordering  on  respectability.  It  can 
boast,  however,  a hundred  or  two  of  as  brutal  butcherings,  on  the  part  of  our 
honest  miners  and  brave  pioneers,  as  any  area  of  equal  extent  in  our  republic.  ” 


312 


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campaigners  at  election  time.  To  summarize  as  briefly  as  possible  the 
conditions  in  northwestern  California,  there  were  five  reservations 
established  previous  to  1860.  Scott  River  reservation,  founded  in 
1851  about  eighty  miles  northeast  of  Humboldt  bay,  was  abandoned 
in  a year  or  two.  Klamath  River  reservation,  forty  miles  north  of 
the  bay,  was  perhaps  as  well  managed  as  any  in  the  state,  or  perhaps 
misconduct  on  the  part  of  the  agents  was  not  so  easily  noticed,  there 
being  plenty  of  food  in  the  river  to  which  the  Indians  could  help 
themselves.  Three  other  reservations,  Mendocino  Coast,  Round  Val- 
ley, and  Nome  Lackee  were  established  to  the  south  and  southeast  at 
distances  varying  from  seventy  to  ninety  miles  from  Humboldt  bay. 

More  or  less  futile  attempts  were  made  to  gather  the  Indians  onto 
these  reservations.  Most  of  them  found  the  kind  of  “ civilization  ” 
introduced  by  the  reservations  an  unendurable  one.  Hence  they  were 
continually  running  off  and  returning  to  their  old  homes  at  every 
opportunity. 

In  the  first  place,  the  reservations  were  little  better  than  pest- 
houses,  as  a few  quotations  will  show.  A newspaper  of  1856  says  :209 

Some  of  the  agents,  and  nearly  all  of  the  employees,  we  are  informed,  on  one 
of  these  reservations  at  least,  are  daily  and  nightly  engaged  in  kidnapping  the 
younger  portion  of  the  females,  for  the  vilest  of  purposes.  The  wives  and 
daughters  of  the  defenceless  Diggers  are  prostituted  before  the  very  eyes  of  their 
husbands  and  fathers,  by  these  civilized  monsters,  and  they  dare  not  resent  the 
insult,  or  even  complain  of  the  hideous  outrage. 

It  is  not  at  all  essential  to  know  to  which  of  the  reservations  the 
above  refers,  since  all  reservations  were  very  much  alike.  The  pro- 
gressive result  of  such  conduct  is  shown  by  a report  of  a military 
officer210  in  1859,  who  has  this  to  say  about  Round  Valley  reservation: 

A war  of  extermination  is  being  vigorously  waged  by  the  citizens  of  Round 
and  Eden  valleys  and  a company  of  men,  under  one  Jarboe,  from  Russian  river, 
against  the  Indians  who  inhabit  the  country  adjacent.  . . . Col.  Henley  [ex-superin- 
tendent of  Indian  Affairs  in  California]  approved  of  their  course,  and  defends 
the  acts  of  Jarboe  and  party. ...  We  believe  it  to  be  the  settled  determination 
of  many  of  the  inhabitants  to  exterminate  the  Indians;  and  I see  no  way  of 
preventing  it.  I have  endeavored  to  collect  them  on  the  Reservation,  and  several 
hundred  are  now  there — but  they  doubtless  have  a great  aversion  to  coming  in, 
doubtless  owing  in  a great  measure  to  the  mortality  at  this  time  prevailing  among 
them;  some  eight  or  ten  per  day  having  died,  some  days  previous  to  my  leaving  the 
valley.  This  mortality  is  attributed  to  a change  of  diet,  scarcity  of  food,  and 
the  great  prevalence  of  syphilitic  diseases  among  them. 

209  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Sept.  13,  1856,  quoting  the  California  American. 

210  Maj.  Edward  Johnson,  op.  cit. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  313 


In  1861  Bound  Valley  is  reported  to  have  perhaps  fifty  white  men 
but  only  three  white  women.211  No  self  respecting  Indian  though  a 
“savage”  cared  for  such  society  as  his  wife  and  daughters  were  com- 
pelled to  associate  with. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Indian  found  difficulty  enough  in  provid- 
ing food  under  change^  conditions  for  himself  and  family,  without 
contributing  his  time  to  help  support  a system  from  which  he  derived 
but  little  benefit.  During  the  two  or  three  years  of  their  existence 
previous  to  June  30,  1858,  the  three  reservations,  Mendocino  Coast, 
Round  Valley,  and  Nome  Lackee  dissipated  a total  of  over  $250,000, 
about  two-fifths  going  direct  as  salaries  to  the  agents  and  the  numer- 
ous white  employees,  while  most  of  the  remaining  three-fifths  went 
through  various  indirect  channels  to  the  same  goal.212  Here  are 
some  of  the  processes  by  which  public  property  changed  to  private 
property : 

Cattle. — In  founding  the  reservations,  which  are  at  first  not  surveyed,  the 
agents  bring  some  “ civilized  Indians”  to  help  control  “wild  Indians”  and 
show  them  how  to  work.  Cattle  are  brought  in  at  the  same  time  at  public 
expense.  The  agents,  government  employees,  and  their  friends  next  take  up 
claims  in  their  own  names  alongside,  or  even  within  the  limits  of  the  reservation, 
designating  them  as  “overflow  and  swamp  lands”  and  thus  acquiring  in  some 
cases  one  thousand  acres  to  a claim.213  For  some  unaccountable  reason  the 
cattle  feed  upon  the  publicly  owned  reservation  during  the  time  that  they  are 
being  counted  for  the  annual  report  but  at  all  other  times  they  feed  upon  the 
privately  owned  1 1 overflow  and  swamp  lands  ’ ’ and  are  considered  as  privately 
owned  animals.  In  one  case  where  the  Indians  are  reduced  to  starvation  and  help 
themselves  to  a few  of  these  cattle,  the  agent  and  government  employees  charged 
with  the  duty  of  protecting  the  Indians  decide  that  an  example  must  be  made, 
and  so  shoot  fourteen  in  one  day,214  and  then  find  it  convenient  to  discover  in  the 
nick  of  time  that  they  had  formed  a conspiracy  to  murder  all  the  “settlers”  in 
the  valley. 

Crops. — At  the  time  of  greatest  prosperity  these  three  reservations  report  some 
2,000  acres  under  cultivation  producing  27,000  bushels  of  grain,  potatoes,  etc. 

211  G.  M.  Hanson,  Report  of  July  15,  1861,  op.  cit.,  p.  758. 

212  Round  Valley  reservation  from  the  time  of  foundation  in  1856  to  July  1, 
1858,  expended  $34,000.  The  first  white  “settlers”  entered  the  valley  at  the  time 
the  reservation  was  founded  and  in  less  than  two  years’  time,  while  drawing 
salaries  from  the  government,  their  improvements  upon  “their  own  land”  were 
valued  at  $25,000  to  $30,000.  See  Report  of  Agent  S.  P.  Storms  dated  Aug.  14, 
1858,  35  Cong.  2 sess.,  serial  no.  974,  doc.  1,  pp.  658-59.  Mendocino  reservation 
for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1858,  expended  $50,858  and  Nome  Lackee  for  the 
same  year  about  the  same  amount  or  from  the  time  of  foundation  in  1855  to  1858 
a total  of  about  $125,000.  See  Report  of  Special  Agent  G.  Bailey  dated  Nov.  4, 
1858,  35  Cong.  2 sess.,  serial  no.  974,  doc.  1,  pp.  650-53.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Works, 
xxiv,  942,  1890,  says  that  the  reservations  of  California,  presumably  during  the 
years  1853  to  1858,  had  expended  a total  of  $1,170,000. 

213  G.  M.  Hanson,  Report  of  July  15,  1861,  op.  cit.,  p.  758. 

214  Tehama  Gazette,  Dec.  4,  1858,  copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Dec.  8, 
1858. 


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Rations  are  issued  to  the  white  overseers  and  to  such  of  the  Indians  as  are 
actually  engaged  in  work  upon  the  reservations.  The  number  of  Indians  upon 
these  reservations  is  reported  to  be  some  five  or  six  thousands,  with  others  in  the 
vicinity  making  the  reservations  their  headquarters;  but  whenever  a visitor  comes, 
all  but  a few  hundred  happen  to  be  at  the  time  out  on  the  hills  gathering  stores 
of  acorns,  seeds,  and  berries.  Needless  to  say,  the  crops  are  put  to  a good  use 
by  those  for  whose  especial  benefit  they  are  raised.  In  case  of  a failure  in  the 
crop,  or  destruction  by  settlers’  cattle,  ‘‘the  cheapest  and  best  feed  that  could 
be  got  would  be  shorts”215  (that  is,  wheat  bran  fit  only  for  cattle  feed)  brought 
over  the  mountains  from  the  Sacramento  valley. 

Improvements. — As  government  funds  become  available,  they  are  expended 
in  the  building  of  cattle  corrals,  barns,  hog-sheds,  store-houses,  dams,  aqueducts, 
grist-mills,  and  other  improvements.  A few  years  later,  when  the  reservation  is 
surveyed,  most  of  these  improvements  as  well  as  the  growing  crops  and  the  cattle, 
are  found  to  be  outside  the  limits  of  the  reservation  upon  lands  acquired  by  the 
“settlers”  as  overflow  and  swamp  lands,  under  school  warrants  and  in  other 
ways.  Then  it  is  that  either  the  whole  reservation  is  abandoned  by  the  govern- 
ment or  that  the  “settlers”  are  bought  out  for  what  the  settlers  think  the 
improvements  are  worth. 

The  reservation  system  in  California  was  at  its  worst  during  the 
administration  of  T.  J.  Henley  (July  26,  1854,  to  June  3,  1859)  and 
for  some  years  following  his  term  of  office.  Mismanagement  was  soon 
apparent,216  though  it  required  investigations  by  several  special  agents 
before  he  was  ousted,  while  some  of  the  worst  of  his  appointees 
continued  in  office  until  the  summer  of  1861.  The  following  quota- 
tions taken  from  the  reports  of  J.  R.  Browne,217  special  agent  of 
the  Treasury  Department,  show  to  what  extremes  the  government 
appointees  would  go.  Speaking  first  of  Nome  Lackee  reservation, 
Browne  says : 

Most  of  the  Indians  have  left  it,  and  now . . . there  are  not  more  than  fifty  to 
be  seen  within  several  miles  of  headquarters.  No  evidence  of  the  results  of 
attention,  labor  or  the  expenditure  of  public  money  is  anywhere  manifest.  When 
it  is  considered  that  forty-five  or  fifty  thousand  dollars  have  been  expended  on 
this  reservation  during  the  past  year  . . . the  result  is  very  discouraging. . . . 

The  condition  of  affairs  at  Nome  Cult  [Round  Yalley]  is  even  more  discour- 
aging than  at  Nome  Lackee.  The  former  employes,  some  of  whom  reside  within 
the  limits  of  the  Indian  farms,  on  claims  purchased  by  them  while  in  public 
employ,  refuse  to  remove,  and  defy  the  new  overseer  to  dispossess  them.  Insub- 
ordination amongst  the  Indians  is  instigated,  the  fences  are  broken  down,  the 
cattle  and  hogs  driven  in  on  the  crops,  and  all  authority  put  at  defiance.  The 

215  G-.  M.  Hanson,  Report  of  Oct.  10,  1862,  37  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial  no.  1157, 
doc.  1,  p.  456. 

215  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Sept.  13,  1856,  and  various  other  newspapers  of 
the  state  at  that  time. 

217  J.  R.  Browne,  reports  dated  Sept.  19  and  Oct.  18,  1859,  36  Cong.  1 sess., 
serial  no.  1033,  doc.  46,  pp.  14-16,  18-20.  For  other  descriptions  of  the  reserva- 
tion system  in  California  see  J.  R.  Browne,  in  Harper’s  Magazine,  Aug.,  1861, 
reprinted  in  W.  W.  Beach,  Indian  Miscellany  (Albany,  J.  Munsell,  1877),  pp. 
303-322. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethrno, geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  315 


official  notices  issued  by  the  superintendent . . . are  treated  with  contempt  and 
derision.  Nothing  short  of  military  force  can  restrain  the  settlers  from  these 
outrages. ... 

Many  Indians  have  been  killed  by  private  companies  during  the  past  winter 
and  spring,  and  a man  named  Jarboe  now  holds  a commission  from  the  governor 
of  the  State,  in  virtue  of  which  he  has  raised  a company,  and  has  been  engaged 
for  some  months  past  in  a cruel  and  relentless  pursuit  of  the  Indians  in  this 
vicinity,  slaughtering . . . without  regard  to  age  or  sex I would  earnestly  im- 

press upon  the  department  the  miserable  and  forlorn  condition  of  the  Indians  of 
this  State.  In  the  history  of  Indian  races  I have  seen  nothing  so  cruel  and 
relentless  as  the  treatment  of  these  unhappy  people  by  the  authorities  constituted 
by  law  for  their  protection.  Instead  of  receiving  aid  and  succor,  they  have  been 
starved  and  driven  away  from  the  reservations,  and  then  followed  into  their 
remote  hiding  places,  where  they  sought  to  die  in  peace,  and  cruelly  slaughtered, 
till  but  a few  are  left,  and  that  few  without  hope.  . . . 

The  debts  of  the  past  year  are  so  complicated  with  private  accounts,  that  I am 
utterly  at  a loss  to  say  what  bills  ought  to  be  paid,  and  what  rejected. ...  I would 
also  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  expenses  of  the  service,  as  now  con- 
ducted, are  considerably  in  excess  of  the  appropriation. . . . Another  confused 
state  of  affairs  will  be  the  result,  and  a call  will  be  necessary  for  a deficiency 
appropriation  amounting  probably  to  $50,000. . . . 

In  April,  1858,  I forwarded  charges  of  fraud  and  malfeasance  against  the  late 
superintendent,  T.  J.  Henley,  and  transmitted  additional  charges  and  proofs  by 
nearly  every  succeeding  mail  during  that  year. . . . Nevertheless,  Mr.  Henly  con- 
tinued to  act  in  his  capacity  of  superintendent  up  to  June  3,  1859,  fourteen 
months  after  the  original  charges  were  preferred,  and  nearly  a year  after  they 
were  proved.  The  agents,  sub-agents,  and  employes,  whose  testimony  presented 
the  best  evidence  of  their  unfitness  for  the  trusts  reposed  in  them,  continued  to 
act  in  their  respective  capacities,  and  no  change  took  place  except  a limitation 
of  the  number  of  employes  on  the  31st  of  December,  1858.  No  remittance  to  pay 
the  current  expenses  of  the  reservations,  or  the  wages  of  the  discharged  employes, 
was  received  from  May,  1858,  till  August,  1859,  during  which  period  there  appears 
to  have  been  no  check  upon  the  expenditures  beyond  the  discretion  of  the  late 
superintendent  and  the  agents,  and  the  power  of  final  approval  vested  in  the 
department.  The  great  evils  experienced  from  this  condition  of  affairs  were: 
the  enhanced  price  of  articles  purchased  on  credit . . . ; the  discontent  of  the  dis- 
charged employes,  who  had  acquired  some  influence  over  the  Indians;  and  the 
popular  clamor  throughout  the  State  against  what  was  regarded  as  unreasonable 
and  unjustifiable  neglect  of  the  public  interests. 

Notwithstanding  the  reduced  number  of  employes  since  December  31,  1851, 
the  agents  and  sub-agents  have  encumbered  the  service  with  debts,  of  which  they 
are  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  render  a correct  account.  . . . They  have  kept 
running  accounts  at  stores,  and  no  books  or  accounts  to  show  the  articles  pur- 
chased or  the  prices  agreed  upon ; . . . they  have  suffered  the  reservations  to  fall 
into  a state  of  neglect  and  decay  wholly  at  variance  with  the  published  reports 
of  their  prosperity.  The  property  returns  and  abstracts  of  issues  show  that  the 
amount  of  property  accounted  for  is  but  a fraction  of  that  which  should  be  on 
hand.  . . . No 'adequate  return  of  the  large  bands  of  cattle,  for  which  vouchers  have 
been  transmitted,  has  been  made;  and  the  agents  and  sub-agents  have  failed 
to  show  what  became  of  them.  The  independent  treasury  act  has  been  violated, 
...in  the  transmission  of  fraudulent  vouchers;  ...  The  reservations  have  been 
diverted  from  their  legitimate  purpose,  and  in  some  cases  the  Indians  have  been 


316 


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slaughtered  in  consequence  of  alleged  depredations  upon  private  property  belong- 
ing to  officers  of  the  superintendency. ...  I am  confident  that  nothing  can  be  done 
by  the  new  superintendent,  under  such  a complication  of  affairs,  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  the  Indians.  Either  an  entirely  new  regime  must  be  established,  or 
he  will  be  hopelessly  involved  in  trouble,  and  compelled  ...  to  resign. 

By  his  original  instructions,  he  was  required  to  ascertain  the  outstanding 
indebtedness,  and  forward  all  claims. . . . While  engaged  in  the  prosecution  of  this 
inquiry,  a remittance  of  $80,000  w*as  made  to  the  agents. . . . But  they  have  failed 
to  furnish  him  with  an  intelligible  account  of  the  particular  disbursement  made; 
and  he  is  at  a loss  to  know  what  bills  have  been  paid  and  what  remain  to  be 
paid. ...  In  San  Francisco  alone  it  is  estimated  that  $13,000  is  due  for  purchases 
made  by  the  late  superintendent. . . . But  the  superintendent  cannot  ascertain 
whether  the  goods  so  purchased  ever  went  to  the  reservations,  or  what  portion  of 
them  were  for  public  or  private  purposes.  . . . Mr.  McDuffie  [the  superintendent] 

seems  desirous  of  performing  his  duty The  department  has  refused  its  assent 

to  any  removals  which  he  has  recommended . . . without  a statement  of  reasons. 
He  can  give  no  reasons  without  incurring  the  personal  hostility  of  men  who  have 
acquired  a powerful  influence  over  the  Indians,  which  they  can,  if  so  inclined, 
exercise  to  the  absolute  destruction  of  the  service. . . . 

TROUBLES  IN  THE  BALD  HILLS 

We  will  now  speak  of  some  of  the  relations  of  the  whites  to  the 
Indians  of  Athapascan  stock  living  immediately  to  the  east  and  south 
of  the  Wiyot  territory.  Of  these  Indians  the  Chilula  were  among  the 
first  to  come  in  contact  with  miners  and  pack-trains,  as  the  trails  to 
the  mines  ran  through  their  territory.  Redick  McKee,218  Indian 
commissioner,  learned  in  1851  from  these  “gentlemen”  from  the 
mines  that : 

The  Trinity,  Redwood,219  and  Klamath  bands  are  a brave,  warlike  people  . . . 
that  it  is  not  safe  for  parties  less  than  eight  or  ten  in  number  to  travel  through 
the  country ; . . . that  mules  are  stolen  from  the  pack-trains,  and  the  drivers  mur- 
dered and  robbed  when  returning,  a short  distance  from  the  party.  In  return  the 
packers  shoot  Indians  at  every  opportunity,  killing  innocent  persons  more  fre- 
quently than  the  guilty.  The  whites  are  very  much  exasperated  against  the 
Indians. 

As  for  this  charge  against  the  Indians,  it  may  or  may  not  be  in 
part  the  truth,  for  all  reports  of  the  mountain  Indians  are  consistent 
in  describing  them  as  having  more  spirit  than  the  lowland  Indians, 
about  Humboldt  bay.  However,  great  allowances  have  to  be  made 
for  the  characteristic  trait  of  the  Argonauts  to  exaggerate  on  any  and 
every  subject.  The  statements  to  the  effect  that  the  miners  and 
packers  took  frequent  occasion  to  let  the  Indians  know  that  they  were 

218  Redick  McKee,  op.  cit.  (see  footnote  181  of  present  paper),  p.  154. 

219  In  quotations  from  early  sources  Redwood  Indian  is  synonymous  with 
Chilula,  and  Humboldt  or  lowland  Indian  is  equivalent  to  Wiyot. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  317 

not  overdesirous  of  cultivating  friendly  relations,  we  need  not  have 
the  slightest  hesitation  in  believing.  Aside  from  an  occasional  Indian 
being  killed  by  the  whites,  and  the  annoyance  to  the  whites  caused  by 
petty  thievery  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  the  two  races  had  but  little 
effect  on  each  other  for  several  years,  so  far  as  the  hill  country  is 
concerned. 

One  of  the  first  effects  of  the  arrival  of  the  Americans  was  the 
slaughter  of  game.  Game  was  at  first  everywhere  abundant,  but  it 
was  not  inexhaustible.  Hunters  often  shot  wantonly  just  to  satisfy 
' their  propensity  for  destruction.  Thus  in  1859  in  Pit  River  valley220 
“the  deer  killed  were  almost  innumerable.  One  gentleman,  a John 
Longley,  killed  five  hundred  since  the  commencement  of  winter ! . . . 
This  statement . . . may  be  implicitly  relied  upon  as  true,  and  is  fully 
vouched  for.  ’ ’ After  such  a use  of  firearms,  much  of  the  game  would 
be  scared  away  to  more  remote  regions,  and  Indians  could  not  get  near 
enough  to  what  was  left  to  shoot  with  bow  and  arrow. 

In  reading  early  newspapers,  it  became  quite  apparent  to  the 
writer  that  Indian  depredations  were  particularly  apt  to  follow 
closely  upon  the  heels  of  unusual  successes  by  white  hunters.  For 
example,  in  1857  hunters  are  mentioned  as  being  very  numerous  in 
the  Mattole  valley  as  well  as  elsewhere,  while  in  1858  the  Indians  of 
Eel  river,  in  both  Humboldt  and  Mendocino  counties,  are  reported  as 
being  in  a starving  condition  and  committing  depredations  on  settlers  ’ 
cattle.  In  the  same  way  the  great  success  of  the  salmon  fishing  in- 
dustry at  the  mouth  of  Eel  river  in  1858  and  1859  undoubtedly  had 
an  effect  in  causing  a shortage  in  the  food  supply  of  the  Indians  living 
on  the  tributaries  of  this  stream.  At  any  rate,  during  the  winter 
of  1858-1859  the  Indians  on  the  Bald  Hills  are  reported  as  being 
‘ ‘ entirely  starved  out,  ’ ’ and  troubles  continued  in  that  quarter 
without  interruption  until  1864. 

Following  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  game  came  another  encroach- 
ment of  the  white  race.  The  custom  of  the  Indians  in  annually 
burning  the  grass  on  the  prairie  patches  to  the  east  of  the  redwood 
belt,  for  the  purpose  of  providing  a supply  of  seeds  for  food,  had 
kept  down  the  growth  of  both  timber  and  chaparral,  so  that  on  the 
arrival  of  the  American  he  found  ready  pasturage  for  his  cattle. 
By  November,  1857,  Humboldt  county  is  reported  to  have  6597  cattle 
besides  3995  horses,  mules,  and  hogs,221  while  in  1860,  according  to 

220  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  May  3,  1859,  copying  Shasta  Republican. 

221  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Nov.  23,  1857. 


318 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Pthn.  [Yol.  14 


military  officers,222  there  were  in  the  Van  Dnzen  river  region  within  a 
circle  of  twenty-five  miles  only  ten  or  twelve  whites  and  about  two 
thousand  cattle,  with  one  or  two  exceptions  not  guarded  or  herded. 
Some  of  the  cattle  ranged  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  from  where 
their  owners  lived.  There  was  thus  considerable  temptation  to  the 
starving  Indians  to  commit  depredations,  of  which  the  newspapers  of 
the  time  had  considerable  to  say.  Though  specific  details  are  not  very 
often  mentioned,  the  killing  of  one  or  two  cattle  was  enough  to  bring 
out  a broadside  of  editorial  comment.  In  one  instance223  as  many 
as  five  cattle  and  one  mule  are  mentioned  as  having  been  killed  within 
three  miles  of  Hydesville. 

The  writer  does  not  claim  to  have  made  an  exhaustive  search  by 
any  means,  but  so  far  as  he  investigated  he  has  learned  of  only 
thirteen  white  men  being  killed  and  eight  wounded224  previous  to  the 
summer  of  1860  within  the  limits  of  the  accompanying  map,  plate  1, 
or  not  far  beyond  its  borders.  The  best  sources  of  information  would 
be  the  early  newspapers  of  Humboldt  county,  but  the  writer  not 
having  access  to  these,  has  searched  through  the  files  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Bulletin  from  October,  1855,  to  February,  1861.  This  paper 
made  a practice  of  reporting  quite  fully  and  impartially  all  Indian 
troubles  throughout  the  state,  and  is  often  a better  source,  where 
accuracy  is  desired,  than  a paper  published  nearer  the  scene  of  action 
and,  consequently,  more  likely  to  appeal  to  local  prejudice.  The  list 
of  white  men  killed  or  wounded  by  Indians,  with  dates  and  circum- 
stances, is  as  follows: 

1852,  February.  McDermitt  and  Merrill  killed  in  revenge  near  site  bd  on  Yan 
Duzen  river. 

1852,  in  the  fall,  two  Cooper  brothers  killed  at  the  head  of  Little  Yager  creek. 

1854,  September  18.  Arthur  Wigmore  killed  on  Eel  river  at  site  aq  in  a quarrel 
over  a squaw. 

1855,  March.  J.  W.  Cooper  wounded  at  Cooper’s  Mills  on  Yager  creek. 

1856,  October.  Hempfield  wounded  in  “battle”  at  the  head  of  Canon  creek. 
1856,  October.  Charles  Hicks  killed  in  Bear  Biver  mountains. 

1856,  November.  Man  at  Trinidad  killed  for  abusing  a squaw. 

1857,  March.  Charles  Cook  and  James  Granger  killed  while  hunting  on  Mad  river. 
1857,  August.  Man  wounded  (?)  on  the  trail  beyond  Mad  river. 

222  Maj.  G.  J.  Bains,  commanding  at  Fort  Humboldt,  in  letters  published  in 
the  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  May  24,  1860. 

223  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  28,  1860. 

224  A.  J.  Bledsoe,  Indian  Wars  of  the  Northwest  (San  Francisco,  Bacon, 
1885),  gives  the  names  of  several  other  men  who  were  wounded  during  engage- 
ments with  Indians  in  the  campaign  of  the  winter  of  1858-1859.  Because  com- 
petent testimony  in  the  U.  S.  Court  of  Claims  in  cases  of  Indian  depredations  has 
seriously  called  in  question  the  authenticity  of  this  work,  very  few  data  from  it, 
other  than  a few  dates,  have  been  incorporated  in  this  paper. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  319 


1858,  June  3.  Asa  Jordan  and  John  Mackey  wounded  (?)  on  Freshwater  creek. 
1858,  June  23.  W.  E.  Boss  wounded  on  the  trail  near  Grouse  Creek  hill,  ten  miles 
east  of  Three  Cabins. 

1858,  July  16.  Orin  Stevens  killed  in  “battle”  on  Grouse  creek. 

1858,  August  2.  Chauncy  Miller  killed  and  Winslett  wounded  in  “battle”  at 
Three  Creeks  eight  miles  northeast  of  Bald  mountain. 

1858,  August.  John  Mann,  while  asleep,  had  his  throat  cut  by  his  own  squaw 
because  he  had  killed  her  brother.  In  return  he  killed  her. 

1858,  September  14.  Paul  Boynton  killed  on  Boynton  Prairie. 

1859,  May  10.  J.  C.  Ellison  killed  in  “battle”  on  Yager  creek. 

1860,  January.  Hitchcock  wounded  in  “battle”  on  the  North  fork  of  Yager 
creek. 

As  a matter  of  course  a ‘‘punitive  expedition ” followed  every 
“outbreak”  of  the  Indians,  but  it  was  not  until  June,  1858,  when 
Ross,225  a packer,  was  wounded  on  the  trail  at  the  head  of  Grouse 
creek,  that  we  have  a very  extensive  campaign.  Though  the  Indians 
probably  had  a grudge  against  Ross  only,  as  they  had  previously  made 
an  attempt  on  his  life  and  on  this  occasion  stood  and  watched  the 
white  party  care  for  the  wounded  man  without  making  any  attack 
upon  them,  yet  it  proved  a sufficient  cause  in  the  minds  of  the  whites 
for  a general  attack  upon  all  the  Indians  living  on  the  Bald  Hills, 
to  which  three  companies  of  volunteers  at  once  proceeded.  One  of 
these  divisions  was  repulsed  at  the  head  of  Grouse  creek  on  July  16 
with  the  loss  of  one  man.  The  other  divisions  took  up  positions  at 
Iaqua  Buttes  and  on  Redwood  creek  at  Bair.226 

It  was  a few  months  later,  when.  Paul  Boynton  was  killed  within 
a short  distance  of  his  own  home  and  apparently  without  cause  that 
the  state  commissioned  troops  to  the  number  of  ninety  men  under 
the  command  of  Adjutant-General  W.  C.  Kibbe,  Captain  I.  G.  Messic, 
Lieutenant  Prosser,  and  Lieutenant  Winslett.  These  troops  were  kept 
in  service  on  Redwood  creek,  upper  Mad  river,  and  in  the  Yager 
creek  and  Van  Duzen  river  country  from  October  15,  1858,  to  March 
31,  1859,  by  which  time  ‘ ‘ above  one  hundred  Indians  had  been  killed, 
and  three  hundred  and  fifty  taken  prisoners.”227  The  difficulties  of 
the  campaign  and  the  hardships  of  the  Indians  were  increased  by  the 
unusual  severity  of  the  winter,  there  being  three  feet  of  snow  in  places 
on  the  hills  for  several  months,  while  it  was  so  cold  that  packer’s 
mules  are  said  to  have  frozen  to  death.228 

225  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  June  28,  1858. 

226  Ibid,,  July  26,  1858.  It  is  presumed  by  the  writer  that  Pardee’s  ranch, 
the  camping  place  frequently  mentioned  in  the  newspapers,  is  the  same  as  that 
owned  later  by  Isaac  Minor  and  now  known  as  Bair. 

227  California  Assembly  Journal,  10  sess.,  1859,  p.  699. 

228  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Dec.  14,  1858,  April  25,  1859. 


320 


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After  the  Indians  were  ‘ ‘ entirely  starved  out,”  those  who  were 
taken  prisoners  were  sent  to  the  Mendocino  Coast  reservation,  where 
a government  report  dated  November  4,  1858,  says  that  there  were 
already  722  Indians  with  a crop  insufficient  to  feed  more  than  420 
Indians  for  ten  months.229  The  result  was  that  in  less  than  a year 
most  of  the  Indians  from  the  Bald  Hills  were  back  in  their  old  ter- 
ritory,230 very  much  embittered  against  the  whites.  Yet  the  marvel  is 
that  we  can  find  no  record  of  more  than  one  man  being  killed  and 
one  slightly  wTounded  in  the  region  under  consideration  during  the 
years  1859  and  1860. 

As  to  the  extent  of  depredations  on  stock,  it  was  doubtless  at  first 
much  overestimated,  because  in  May,  1859,  we  have  the  statement  of 
a local  paper,231  which  has  never  been  charged  with  unduly  favoring 
the  Indians,  that  “the  number  of  stock  killed  will  not  be  so  great  as 
was  anticipated.  The  owners  say  that  probably  fifty  head  will  cover 
all  the  losses”  in  the  Yager  creek  country. 

Among  the  Indians  taken  to  Mendocino  reservation  in  the  spring 
of  1859,  was  a band  gathered  into  an  old  house  belonging  to  Isaac 
Minor232  on  Redwood  creek  under  a false  pretense  that  a council  and 
settlement  were  desired.  Here  eighty-four  young  men  were  shut  in, 
chained  two  and  two  to  a rope,  and  rushed  to  the  reservation  along 
with  their  women  and  children  and  the  older  men.  Here  they  were 
half  starved  for  four  or  five  months,  when  they  returned  and  camped 
near  Minor’s  place.  Then,  about  January,  1860,  depredations  being 
reported  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  above,  a volunteer  company  led  by 
Jim  Brown  went  to  punish  the  Indians.  Stopping  at  Minor’s  to  feed 
their  horses,  they  found  the  well  behaved  Indians  camped  in  his  field 
and  killed  seven  or  eight  non-combatants,  while  the  young  men 
escaped.  These  formed  the  nucleus  of  a band  of  fifty-one,  which, 
finally  driven  to  desperation,  killed  or  drove  out  all  the  settlers  on 
the  Bald  Hills  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1861  and  continued  to 

229  G.  Bailey,  spec,  agent  Dept.  Interior,  Report  of  Nov.  4,  1.858,  35  Cong. 
2 sess.,  serial  no.  974,  doc.  1,  p.  653. 

230  j.  Y.  McDuffie,  supt.  Ind.  Aff.  N.  Cal.,  reported  Sept.  4,  1859,  that  there 
were  not  over  five  hundred  Indians  resident  at  Mendocino  reservation,  36  Cong. 
1 sess.,  serial  no.  1033,  doc.  46,  p.  7.  The  San  Francisco  Bulletin  of  Mar.  13, 
1860,  says  that  350  of  the  Indians  taken  from  the  Bald  Hills  to  Mendocino  the 
previous  season  had  returned  because  they  had  nothing  to  eat. 

231  Humboldt  Times,  May  21,  1859,  copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  May  26, 
1859. 

232  Isaac  Minor  in  a manuscript  in  his  own  possession,  which  is  a stenographic 
record  of  testimony  before  Commissioner  H.  L.  Ford,  Court  of  Claims,  at  Eureka, 
1893 : Indian  Depredation  no.  1,032  Isaac  Minor,  plaintiff,  v.  U.  S.  and  Redwood 
and  Hoopa  tribes,  defendants. 


1918]  Loud:  Etlmogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  321 


burn  buildings  and  do  all  the  mischief  possible  over  an  area  forty 
miles  square,  finally  burning  Bates’  hotel  at  Blue  Lake,  killing  several 
persons  there,  and  otherwise  threatening  the  settlements  at  the  head 
of  Humboldt  bay,  until  they  were  tracked  to  Little  river.  Here,  on 
August  24,  1862,  all  but  two  were  surprised  and  killed  while  bathing. 

During  the  summer  and  fall  of  1859,  a small  company  of  United 
States  troops  under  Lieutenant  Collins  were  stationed  at  Bair  on 
Redwood  creek  and  another  under  Captain  Lovell  near  Yager  creek. 
A few  cattle  being  killed  in  spite  of  their  presence,  the  citizens  of 
Hydesville  on  February  4,  1860,  held  a mass  meeting  and  organ- 
ized a company  of  fifty-five  under  the  command  of  Captain  Seaman 
Wright.233  This  company  was  composed  in  part  of  Eel  river  settlers 
and  in  part  of  a class  of  persons  “having  neither  home  nor  kindred.” 
They  ranged  the  Yager  hills  for  some  weeks,  killing  every  Indian 
they  could  find.  Like  numerous  other  volunteer  companies  in  Cali- 
fornia, their  desire  was  not  merely  to  be  of  the  greatest  possible  service 
to  the  cattle-owning  citizens,  but  more  especially  to  be  of  service  to 
the  politicians,  thus  hoping  to  secure  for  themselves  a commission 
from  the  governor.  They  killed  a considerable  number  of  Indians, 
but  only  a fraction  of  the  three  thousand  of  Athapascan  stock  who 
were  then  supposed  to  live  within  the  drainage  area  of  Eel  river. 
However,  they  did  succeed  in  stirring  up  new  enmity  between  the 
Indians  and  whites  which  lasted  until  the  Indians  were  nearly 
exterminated. 

Campaigns  by  volunteer  companies,  state  troops,  and  federal 
troops  continued  for  several  years  against  the  Bald  Hills  Indians. 
Prisoners  were  taken  to  the  reservations  and  starved  and  abused  until 
they  returned  to  their  native  haunts,  only  to  be  chased  off  again  to 
some  reservation  in  a fresh  campaign. 

Properly  speaking,  there  never  was  a state  of  war  on  the  Bald 
Hills.  There  were  on  the  one  hand  irresponsible  whites — drunkards 
and  gamblers  looking  for  excitement,  propertyless  and  with  nothing 
to  lose,  but  with  a chance  of  getting  rations  for  nothing — whom  the 
better  element  could  not  control;  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  a 
small  class  of  bad  Indians  whom  the  great  majority  of  friendly 
Indians  could  not  restrain.  T.  M.  Brown,234  sheriff  of  Klamath  and 
Humboldt  counties  for  about  forty  years,  who  knew  the  Indians 

233  These  figures  and  the  date  are  taken  from  A.  J . Bledsoe,  op.  cit.,  p.  299. 

234  T M.  Brown  (sheriff  of  Klamath  county  1861-1874  and  after  consolida- 
tion of  counties,  sheriff  of  Humboldt,  county  1879-1906),  testimony  before  Court 
of  Claims,  case  of  Isaac  Minor,  etc.  See  footnote  232. 


322 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


thoroughly  and  earned  the  universal  respect  of  Indians  and  whites 
alike,  testifies  that  the  marauding  Indian  bands  contained  as  low 
as  four  and  as  high  as  eighteen  men.  All  of  the  mauweemas  or  head 
men  that  he  knew  were  friendly,  except  three  in  Hoopa  valley  and 
one  on  Redwood  creek.  The  friendly  chiefs  seemed  even  more  con- 
cerned in  keeping  the  peace  and  stopping  depredation  than  were  the 
whites. 

Over  against  the  record  of  depredations  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  we  have  the  report235  of  one  white  man  on  Van  Duzen  river 
who  boasted  of  having  killed  sixty  infants  with  his  own  hatchet  at 
the  different  slaughtering  grounds.  He  had  an  Indian  boy  working 
for  him  whose  family  lived  within  half  a mile  of  his  place.  Being 
angered  because  the  boy  occasionally  visited  his  relatives,  he  went 
down  one  morning  and  slaughtered  the  family  of  about  six  persons, 
boy  and  all,  and  sent  the  bodies  of  the  victims  on  a rude  raft  down 
the  river,  labeled  with  the  name  of  an  American  who  was  known  to 
be  opposed  to  indiscriminate  Indian  killing. 

One  of  the  neighbors  had  had  about  his  premises  for  the  preceding 
two  years  an  old  Indian  called  Yo-keel-le-bah  or  Ukillaboy  who  acted 
as  a faithful  guardian  to  the  ranch  as  well  as  being  a reliable  inter- 
preter and  aid  to  the  white  officials.  About  April  26,  1860,  the  old 
Indian,  feeling  perfectly  secure,  paid  the  vicious  white  man  a friendly 
visit,  and  was  immediately  tied  up  and  shot  without  any  explanation. 

This  vicious  white  man  was  a leader  and  model  of  a certain  class 
of  settlers  on  Van  Duzen  and  Eel  rivers  known  as  the  “thugs.”236 
These  thugs  not  only  went  about  the  country  attacking  Indian  villages 
at  early  dawn  and  slaughtering  the  inhabitants  of  all  ages  and  sexes, 
but  they  threatened  and  terrorized237  their  more  peaceable  white 
neighbors.  They  had  the  sheriff,238  a certain  influential  newspaper, 
and  a number  of  the  members  of  the  grand  jury237  on  their  side,  and 
became  so  bold  that  certain  of  their  number,  on  drunken  sprees  if 
not  at  other  times,  threatened  to  “clean  out”  the  small  batch  of  fed- 
eral soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  Eel  river  in  answer  to  a petition 
of  the  better  class  of  citizens  desiring  protection  for  both  themselves 
and  the  friendly  Indians. 

235  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  13,  June  1,  and  June  4,  1860. 

236  Ibid.,  Mar.  28,  June  1,  1860. 

237  Ibid.,  June  1,  1860. 

238  Ibid.,  Mar.  13,  30,  1860.  Also  Maj.  G.  J.  Bains,  commanding  at  Fort  Hum- 
boldt, in  a letter  to  Sheriff  Yan  Ness  warning  “a  certain  faction  favorable  to 
the  interests  of  the  assassins  in  this  county  ’ J of  which  the  sheriff  is  charged  with 
being  the  spokesman.  Letter  published  in  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  May  24,  1860. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  323 


EARLY  AGGRESSIONS  AGAINST  THE  WIYOT 

After  the  character  of  the  whites  as  exhibited  in  their  conduct 
toward  Indians  in  general  is  noted,  it  will  appear  quite  remarkable 
that  only  two  men,  Arthur  Wigmore  and  Charles  Hicks,  are  known 
to  have  lost  their  lives  at  the  hands  of  the  Wiyot  Indians.  The  Wiyot 
are  usually  considered  as  possessing  much  less  physical  vigor  and 
prowess  than  the  Indians  of  Athapascan  stock  living  in  the  mountains, 
and  they  offered  no  resistance  to  the  encroachments  of  the  whites. 
Whenever  the  presence  of  an  Indian  village  was  undesirable  to  the 
whites  the  Indians  were  required  to  move,  so  that  in  a few  years  the 
larger  part  of  the  Indians  on  Humboldt  bay  were  concentrated  on 
Gunther  island  at  site  67,  at  the  mouth  of  Elk  river,  site  77,  and  at 
the  harbor  entrance,  site  112.  But  as  the  expulsion  of  the  Indians 
from  a particular  place  was  usually  accomplished  at  the  hands  of 
lumbermen  and  others  of  the  rougher  element  among  the  whites,  they 
seem  to  have  showed  no  ill  feeling  toward  the  whites  in  general.  In 
fact  toward  most  of  the  whites  the  Wiyot  seem  to  have  had  nothing 
but  decidedly  amicable  relations.  Such  sentiments  as  they  may  have 
harbored  toward  the  particular  aggressors  they  feared  to  express. 

Eel  River  Murders  in  1852 

One  of  the  first  clashes  with  the  Eel  river  Wiyot  occurred  in  the 
spring  of  1852.  As  we  have  previously  mentioned,  the  two  lower 
Athapascan  villages  on  Eel  river  had  a few  cases  of  intermarriage 
with  the  Wiyot.  When  a Wiyot,  whose  son,  Charles  Shakespere,  is 
now  living  at  Indianola,  was  killed  by  an  irresponsible  white  man  on 
the  trail  near  where  Loleta  now  stands,  some  of  the  Indian’s  relatives 
living  near  Scotia  thought  to  settle  the  score  by  killing  McDermitt 
and  Merrill,  who  lived  together  in  an  isolated  spot  near  the  mouth  of 
Van  Duzen  river.  As  soon  as  the  bodies  of  the  victims  were  discovered 
a few  weeks  later  and  the  report  reached  Humboldt  bay,  a party  was 
fitted  out  with  the  object  of  impressing  upon  the  minds  of  the  savages 
the  sacredness  of  human  life  when  that  life  happened  to  belong  to  a 
person  of  a “superior  race.”  The  following  quotation  taken  from 
a letter  of  the  Indian  commissioner,  Redick  McKee,239  April  5,  1852, 
to  the  governor  of  California,  shows  what  happened : 

239  R.  McKee,  Correspondence  with  Governor  Bigler,  Calif.  Sen.  Jour.,  3 sess., 
appendix,  p.  712,  1852.  The  same  (with  a misprint,  Eel  river  instead  of  Elk 
river),  is  also  found  in  reports  to  33  Cong.,  op.  cit.,  p.  310.  See  footnote  181  of 
present  paper. 


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It  appears  that,  some  time  in  February,  two  men  living  on  the  north  side  of 
Eel  Biver,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from  Humboldt  [City],  in  a retired, 
out-of-the-way  place,  were  murdered  and  their  house  robbed.  As  the  river  was 
unusually  high,  and  canoes  scarce,  the  fact  did  not  become  known  to  the  settlers 
of  the  east  side  of  the  river  for  several  weeks.  It  was  then  concluded,  as  a matter 
of  course,  that  the  Indians  had  killed  them;  and  meetings  were  immediately  held 
at  the  towns  on  the  bay,  and  parties  organized  to  hunt  up  and  punish  the  guilty; 
but  no  sooner  were  these  brave  warriors  clothed  with  authority  to  represent  and 
defend  the  country,  than  they  commenced  an  indiscriminate  attack  upon  the  poor, 
defenceless,  and  wholly  unsuspecting  Indian  settlements  on  and  about  the  bay, 
near  Eureka  and  the  mouth  of  Elk  river,  killing  several;  then  proceeding  out  to 
Eel  river,  renewed  the  work  of  death,  and  finally  succeeded  in  destroying  the  lives 
of  fifteen  or  twenty  naked  and  defenceless  natives,  without  finding  even  one  of 
those  generally  suspected  of  being  most  likely  to  be  concerned  in  the  murder.  A 
week  or  two  later,  some  three  or  four  other  Indians  who  were  suspected  of  being 
concerned  in  the  murder,  (if ' committed  by  Indians  at  all,)  were  overtaken  on  Eel 
river,  and  summarily  shot  down.  A gentleman  from  the  bay  informs  me  that  these 
rash,  cruel,  blood-thirsty  proceedings,  were  wholly  disapproved  by  many  of  the 
best  men  in  the  country;  but  they  could  not  arrest  them,  and  were  indeed  almost 
afraid  to  let  their  disapprobation  be  known. 

In  reality  there  were  only  three  persons  concerned  in  the  murder 
of  the  white  men,  a young  Indian,  his  father,  and  an  uncle,  hut  the 
members  of  the  expedition  displayed  no  fine  sense  of  discrimination 
by  making  an  investigation  and  then  punishing  those  responsible, 
neither  did  they  take  it  for  granted  that  the  responsibility  lay  with 
the  Indian  village  nearest  to  the  home  of  McDermitt  and  Merrill. 
What  they  did  was  to  consider  all  Indians  equally  guilty,  and  so  they 
attacked  the  first  villages  that  they  came  to,  namely,  site  77  at  the 
mouth  of  Elk  river  and  site  az  on  Eel  river.  Here  they  killed  many 
of  the  Indians  who  failed  to  escape  to  the  bushes.  Neither  of  these 
villages  had  the  least  thing  to  do  with  the  murder  of  the  settlers,  and 
to  save  themselves  from  further  trouble  their  inhabitants  guided  the 
whites,  some  time  later,  to  the  village  near  Scotia  where  at  least  the 
three  guilty  Indians  were  found  and  killed.  There  may  have  been 
more  killed,  but  the  Indian  informant  was  not  certain  on  this  point. 

“Squaw-men”  on  Eel  River  in  1854 

As  there  were  but  very  few  white  women  in  the  mining  counties 
during  early  years,  hundreds  if  not  thousands  of  white  men  through- 
out the  state  took  Indian  wives.  These  men  are  often  given  the 
opprobrious  name  of  “squaw-men”  and  it  is  frequently  asserted  that 
the  descendants  of  such  unions  inherit  none  of  the  virtues  of  either 
race  but  all  of  their  vices.  It  does  at  times  seem  as  if  there  were  some 
foundation  for  such  a belief,  but  it  is  probably  true  that  the  results 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  325 


asserted  are  more  apparent  than  real,  since  a great  many  unions  of 
the  two  races  have  produced  offspring  worthy  in  every  respect.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  the  father  was  without  redeeming  traits  of  char- 
acter while  the  mother  had  been  secured  at  the  cost  of  the  lives  of 
her  male  relatives  and  held  to  a union  to  which  she  did  not  yield  a 
hearty  response,  the  offspring  could  hardly  fail  to  inherit  the  pre- 
dominating traits  of  their  progenitors,  intensified  perhaps  by  the 
environment  in  which  they  were  reared. 

As  a solution  of  the  Indian  problem  in  early  days  there  were 
various  theories.  Some  advocated  subjection  of  the  Indian  to  slavery, 
some,  his  removal  beyond  the  limits  of  the  state  to  the  deserts  of 
Nevada.  Some  believed  in  concentrating  the  Indians  on  reservations 
where  they  could  be  taught  husbandry  and  the  mechanical  trades. 
Many  advocated  extermination,  some  amalgamation.  Thus  the  Sacra- 
mento Bee  in  1857  says:240  “Our  idea”  is  “amalgamation.  Persons 
who  have  been  in  the  mountains,  and  seen  as  we  have,  hundreds  of 
white  men  living  with  their  Digger  wives,  will  not  be  so  much  sur- 
prised at  this  declaration  of  opinion.” 

At  Humboldt  bay  there  was  considerable  intermarriage  of  the  two 
races,  and  on  the  whole  the  unions  appear  to  have  been  quite  satis- 
factory, since  the  Wiyot  women  have  generally  made  the  best  of  house- 
keepers, keeping  everything  faultlessly  clean.  The  writer  can  see 
no  reason  why  such  intermarriages  should  be  looked  upon  with  dis- 
favor, provided  the  unions  are  mutually  satisfactory  and  permanent. 
Unfortunately,  in  pioneer  days  such  unions  were  too  frequently 
neither  mutual  nor  permanent,  and  this  often  led  to  grave  conse- 
quences. 

Thus,  in  September,  1854,  at  the  mouth  of  Eel  river,241  site  aq, 
there  was  an  Indian  called  Sherman  George  who  had  two  wives. 
A white  man  by  the  name  of  Arthur  Wigmore  wanted  one  of  these 
women,  and  threatened  to  harm  George  unless  he  left  the  district. 
George’s  father  was  afraid  and  so  moved  about  two  miles  off  to  East- 
lake  slough.  This  move  of  the  Indians  then  furnished  a good  basis 
for  a trumped-up  charge  of  stealing.  Wigmore  attempted  to  ‘ ‘ arrest  ’ ’ 
George,  but  the  latter  avoided  being  caught  Next  day  Wigmore 
came  again  for  a rope  left  behind  the  previous  day  and  intended  to 
be  used  in  securing  George.  He  was  in  a very  surly  state  of  mind  at 

240  Sacramento  Bee,  copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Apr.  9,  1857. 

241  The  date  is  taken  from  A.  J.  Bledsoe,  op.  cit.  (see  footnote  224  of  present 
paper),  pp.  179-181.  The  details,  as  given  by  Indian  informants,  differ  materially 
from  the  accounts  chronicled  in  the  white  man’s  history. 


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being  frustrated  in  his  designs  and  said  to  George’s  father,  “You 

— — - , give  me  the  rope.”  He  attempted  at  the  same  time  to 

shoot,  but  George  held  the  gun,  whereupon  he  drew  his  pistol  and 
shot  George ’s  father  in  the  head.  The  bullet,  however,'  did  not  kill, 
since  it  failed  to  pierce  the  skull.  Then  George  disabled  the  white 
man,  while  another  Indian  finished  the  job  by  knocking  him  on  the 
head,  thereby  taking  revenge  for  a brother  who  had  previously  been 
killed.  Then  all  the  Indians  were  afraid  and  took  to  the  brush. 

At  this  time  Dandy  Bill,  his  five  brothers,  and  a sister  were  living 
at  site  92  and  digging  potatoes  for  a white  man  on  Table  Bluff. 
When  Dandy  Bill  came  home  from  his  work,  his  mother  was  crying. 
The  Wiyot  had  learned  from  experience  what  to  expect  in  a case  like 
this.  Having  finished  digging  a boat-load  of  potatoes  Dandy  Bill  with 
his  father  and  an  uncle  went  to  site  17  in  time  to  warn  the  Indians 
there  to  be  on  their  guard  against  a party  of  white  men.  This  party 
was  already  crossing  the  bay  to  Samoa  and  was  suspected  of  designing 
a surprise  attack  on  the  Indians  living  on  the  North  Spit. 

Shortly  after  this,  Dandy  Bill  saw  Jess  Dungan  who  was  married 
to  an  Indian  woman  and  had  a salmon  cannery  and  ferry  on  Eel 
river  near  site  au.  Dungan  advised  the  Indians  to  avert  more  serious 
trouble  by  capturing  those  who  had  killed  Wigmore.  Dandy  Bill, 
Doctor,  and  a few  other  Wiyot,  together  with  seven  Mattole  Indians 
and  Mattole-Wiyot  half  breeds,  went  after  George  and  his  friends, 
who  had  fled  down  the  coast  to  site  114.  Doctor  killed  and  brought  to 
the  whites  the  head  of  the  Indian  who  had  knocked  in  the  skull  of 
Wigmore,  but  the  whites  wanted  also  a certain  Indian  who  was  known 
as  a thief.  As  some  of  the  Indians  did  not  like  the  thief,  he  too  was 
secured,  and  together  with  George  was  turned  over  to  the  military, 
officers.  After  two  months  of  jail  at  Fort  Humboldt,  a disagreement 
arose  between. the  officer  in  command  and  the  civil  authority;  hence, 
the  two  Indians  were  turned  loose. 

Murder  of  Charles  Hicks  in  1856 

The  next  trouble  in  point  of  time  was  in  October,  1856.  Charles 
Hicks,  according  to  the  newspapers,242  was  hunting  on  Bear  river, 
and  was  attacked  by  five  or  six  Indians  and  shot.  Several  weeks 
later  when  he  died  from  the  effects  of  his  wound,  a party  of  whites 
attacked  an  Indian  band  on  Eel  river  near  Grizzly  Bluff  and  killed 

242  gan  Francisco  Bulletin,  Nov.  4,  29,  1856.  Cf.  also  A.  J.  Bledsoe,  op. 
cit.,  p.  210. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  327 


seven.  The  shooting  of  Hicks  seems  to  have  occurred  beyond  the 
limits  of  Wiyot  territory,  but  Dandy  Bill,  though  claiming  to  be 
unacquainted  with  the  particulars,  thought  that  some  Wiyot  were 
among  the  band  that  killed  the  white  man.  Those  guilty  tried  to  hide 
at  kadjo’h-datigerdoli,  the  point  of  Grizzly  Bluff  reaching  down 
toward  the  mouth  of  Van  Duzen  river. 

Consequences  of  Theft  by  Indians 

The  Wiyot  Indians  are  not  known  to  have  ever  killed  a single 
head  of  cattle  and  they  seldom  stole  anything  of  much  value,  though 
doubtless  on  occasion  they  pilfered.  One  Indian  informant  told  his 
boyhood  experiences  in  stealing.  One  day  he  entered  a white  man’s 
cabin  by  the  chimney  and  took  some  fish-hooks.  Some  of  these  he 
gave  away  to  his  boy  friends,  and  in  this  way  his  parents  found  out 
that  he  had  been  stealing.  He  was  made  to  understand  that  it  was 
a very  serious  offense.  He  must  go  to  the  white  man  and  confess,  even 
if  he  paid  the  penalty  of  death  for  his  crime.  His  father  and  uncle 
took  him  into  the  terrible  presence  of  the  white  man,  who  blustered 
considerably  when  he  found  out  who  had  taken  the  hooks — possibly 
for  effect,  since  he  ended  by  giving  back  to  the  boy  some  of  the 
articles  he  had  returned.  The  man  put  one  hand  beneath  the  boy’s 
fallen  chin,  made  him  look  straight  into  his  eye,  then  laid  an  ice-cold 
finger  on  his  throbbing  forehead,  and  said;  “If  I ever  catch  you 
stealing  again  I will  put  a bullet  right  through  there.”  The  lesson 
was  enough.  Never  again  through  a long  life  has  this  Indian  been 
tempted  to  steal  again. 

In  May,  1858,  a theft  occurred  on  Bel  river  which  was  more  serious 
in  its  consequences  to  the  Indians.  Robertson  Jack,  a bad  Indian, 
stole  a Mr.  Kady’s  gun,  hiding  it  and  not  advising  even  his  relatives 
that  he  had  it.  Kady  was  very  angry  about  his  loss  for  two  or  three 
days.  Then,  when  one  day  Jack  brought  home  ten  rabbits,  his  uncle 
suspected,  watched  him,  and  discovered  the  hiding  place.  Dandy 
Bill  and  his  uncle  started  to  take  the  gun  back  to  its  owner,  but,  fear- 
ing trouble,  left  it  with  Dungan.  Kady  was  satisfied  when  he  got  his 
gun,  but  certain  other  white  men  desired  to  punish  the  Indians  and 
attacked  the  village,  site  ax,  at  daybreak  one  morning,  killing  Dandy 
Bill’s  uncle,  the  uncle’s  wife,  and  a baby,  and  wounding  another 
woman  so  that  she  died  later.  Dandy  Bill’s  father  buried  his  brother 
at  site  104,  while  Dandy  Bill  went  to  Fort  Humboldt  and  carried  legal 
papers  back  and  forth  between  the  judge  and  the  sheriff,  who  subse- 


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quently  arrested  three  white  men,  C.  A.  Sherman,  William  McDonald, 
and  a man  named  Baker. 

At  this  time  there  was  a Mr.  Knight,  a lumberman,  living  on 
Freshwater  creek  with  a Wiyot  woman.  A Redwood  Creek  Indian, 
shooting  at  him  and  missing  him,  he  went  to  some  lumbermen  friends 
of  the  same  disposition  as  himself  and  with  them  made  up  a story 
to  get  an  excuse  for  killing  certain  Indians  whom  they  disliked. 
Captain  Jim  and  San  Francisco  John  were  accused  of  having  done 
the  shooting,  and  a very  ragged  hole  in  the  hat  of  Knight  was,  in  the 
minds  of  the  predetermined  lumbermen,  sufficient  proof  of  the  guilt 
of  these  Indians.  Captain  Jim’s  home  was  on  Gunther  island,  but 
he  was  living  at  the  time  at  site  58,  drying  fish.243  Knight’s  squaw 
cried  and  said  that  her  people  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  shooting, 
but  that  it  was  a Redwood  Indian.  However,  the  whites  would  not 
listen  to  her  pleading  but  attacked  site  58.  They  killed  Nicodemus, 
wounded  Billy  in  the  leg,  and  frightfully  crippled  San  Francisco 
John  with  three  or  four  bullets  which  broke  his  arm  and  jaw  and 
pierced  his  side. 

The  wounded  Indians  fled  for  safety  to  site  31,  while  the  soldiers 
took  Dandy  Bill,  Peter,  Henry,  Ben,  Joe,  and  Doctor  to  jail  as  host- 
ages and  sweated  them  for  a confession  of  their  knowledge  concerning 
Captain  Jim’s  shooting  at  Knight.  Six  logging  men  met  Dandy  Bill 
in  the  courthouse  and  urged  him  to  persuade  Captain  Jim  and  San 
Francisco  John  to  come  to  the  courthouse  past  a certain  clump  of 
bushes  at  a certain  hour.  The  two  Indians,  in  a very  weak  condition, 
came  of  their  own  accord,  but  to  avoid  the  bushes  and  the  logging  men 
they  marched  to  the  court  house  between  soldiers. 

A few  additional  details,  learned  from  newspapers,244  are  to  the 
effect  that  the  attack  on  the  Eel  river  village  was  made  by  eight  or 
ten  men  on  the  morning  of  May  29,  1858.  No  mention  is  made  of 
Kady  or  of  Knight,  but  an  assertion,  apparently  false,  is  made  that 
utwo  innocent”  logging  men,  Asa  Jordan  and  John  Mackey,  were 
wounded  with  buckshot  about  four  miles  above  Eureka  on  June  3, 
the  very  afternoon  of  the  day  that  Sherman,  McDonald,  and  Baker, 
“notorious”  squaw-men,  were  arrested  on  Eel  river.  Though  there 
were  eight  or  ten  men  concerned  in  the  attack  on  the  Eel  river  village 
only  these  three,  who  were  subsequently  held  to  bail  in  the  sum  of 

243  gee  footnote  53. 

244  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  June  22,  1858,  copying  Humboldt  Times  of  June  12. 
A pioneer’s  account  has  already  been  given  on  page  269.  Of.  also  A.  J.  Bledsoe, 
op.  cit.,  p.  281. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  329 


$3000  each  on  a charge  of  murder,  could  be  found  by  the  sheriff.  It 
was  considered  that  the  trouble  on  Freshwater  creek  was  a result  of 
the  Eel  river  affair,  but  the  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  two  cases 
were  entirely  independent,  although  happening  at  about  the  same 
time.  Afterwards,  during  the  trial,  the  lumbermen  on  Freshwater, 
the  “ peaceable  and  industrious  men  who  attend  to  their  own  business 
and  do  not  meddle  with  the  Indians,  ’ ’ had  an  understanding  with  the 
‘ ‘ notorious  degenerates  of  Eel  river.  Quite  a number  of  the  more 
prominent  Indians  were  held  in  jail  for  a time,  but  as  nothing  could 
be  proved  against  them  they  were  dismissed.  Since  it  would  have 
been  a flagrant  miscarriage  of  justice  for  a white  man’s  court,  sup- 
ported by  white  man’s  taxes,  to  convict  a white  man  of  any  crime 
against  an  Indian,  all  the  murderers,  both  of  Eel  river  and  of  Fresh- 
water creek  were  set  at  liberty. 

MASSACRES  BY  THE  WHITES  IN  1860 

We  have  now  mentioned  every  case  of  trouble  between  the  whites 
and  the  Wiyot,  occurring  previous  to  1860,  of  which  we  are  able  to 
learn.  It  remains  to  speak  of  the  climactic  act  of  barbarity  and 
inhumanity  on  the  part  of  a half  dozen  vicious  whites.  It  seems 
almost  beyond  belief  that  men  could  do  such  a deed  as  was  perpe- 
trated by  them.  Indeed  there  are  no  men  who  could  commit  such 
crimes  unless  they  had  long  been  trained  to  deeds  of  violence.  But 
such  training  had  not  been  neglected. 

From  the  very  earliest  times  of  settlement  in  California  and 
Oregon,  Indians  had  been  killed  for  the  most  trivial  of  causes.  All 
the  newspapers  during  the  years  previous  to  1860  teemed  with  the 
words  annihilation  and  extermination .245  True,  the  Indians  had  their 
friends  among  the  newspapers  as  well  as  among  individual  whites. 
These  strove  as  best  they  could  to  protect  the  Indian  and  give  him 
justice  at  a time  when  life  was  none  too  secure  for  anyone.  On  the 
other  hand  there  were  newspapers  that  in  a sinister  manner,  if  not 
openly,  advocated  extermination.  These  poisoned  public  opinion  by 
cultivating  race  prejudice  and  charging  every  possible  crime  against 
Indians.  Thus  shielded  and  encouraged,  the  rougher  element  among 
the  whites  gradually  went  from  bad  to  worse. 

245  As  early  as  October,  1852,  the  superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  Cali- 
fornia recommended  to  the  government  the  quartering  of  troops  on  the  reser- 
vations for  the  protection  of  the  Indians  against  lawless  whites.  Gen.  E.  A. 
Hitchcock,  commander  of  the  Department  of  the  Pacific,  endorsed  the  plan  as 
“ perhaps  the  only  one  calculated  to  prevent  the  extermination  of  the  Indians.” 
See  33  Cong.  spec,  sess.,  serial  no.  688,  doc.  4,  p.  377. 


330 


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At  Humboldt  bay  the  troubles  on  the  Bald  Hills  several  succeeding 
seasons  had  prepared  the  way  for  what  occurred  during  the  night 
preceding  February  26,  1860.  At  site  67  on  Gunther  island  an  Indian 
festival  had  been  in  progress  for  a whole  week,  ending  in  a dance  on 
a Saturday  night.  While  the  dance  was  in  progress,  white  visitors 
came  over  from  Eureka,  and  among  them  spies  who  learned  the  exact 
situation  and  made  their  plans.  At  the  close  of  the  festival,  those  of 
the  Indians  who  lived  at  the  south  end  of  the  bay  went  home;  but 
because  of  a strong  wind  those  living  to  the  north  stayed  for  the  night 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  village,  and  soon  all  were  fast  asleep  after 
their  strenuous  days  and  nights  of  harmless  excitement. 

About  four  o’clock  Sunday  morning  five  or  six  men  came  to  the 
island  armed  with  hatchets.  One  of  the  Indian  women,  the  wife  of  a 
white  man  named  Hatteway,  could  not  sleep,  and  so  had  arisen  and, 
going  down  to  the  beach,  saw  the  men  coming.  Knowing  that  they 
came  for  no  good,  she  attempted  to  arouse  the  drowsy  sleepers,  but 
her  efforts  were  largely  in  vain  or  too  late.  A few,  mostly  men, 
escaped  to  the  bushes,  while  the  others  were  caught  in  their  houses 
like  rats  in  a trap.  Mercilessly  the  hatchet  descended  on  all  alike, 
old  and  young,  women,  children,  and  infants.  Their  skulls  were  cleft, 
their  spines  severed,  their  bodies  thrust  with  bowie-knives.  Among 
the  children  and  infants  killed  were  a few  who  had  white  fathers.246 
The  work  of  destruction  was  finished  in  a few  minutes,  and  while  the 
dead  and  dying  lay  strewn  over  the  ground,  the  fire  from  one  of  the 
burning  cabins  lit  up  the  ghastly  scene. 

The  murderers  departed,  while  in  a short  time  sympathetic  whites, 
including  one  doctor,  arrived  from  Eureka  to  witness  the  dreadful 
sight  and  do  what  little  they  could  to  allay  the  sufferings  of  those 
still  living.  One  of  these  visitors  gives  a description  of  the  slaughter 
which,  though  perhaps  not  to  be  taken  as  literally  exact  in  every  par- 
ticular, appears  to  the  writer  to  have  avoided  exaggeration  as  much 
as  any  of  the  various  accounts  published  in  the  newspapers  of  the 

246  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  13,  1860.  A correspondent  often  addressing 
his  letters  from  1 1 Murderville,  ’ ’ signing  as  1 1 Anti-Thug, ; ’ and  sometimes  given 
to  exaggeration  in  speaking  of  the  friendly  relations  existing  between  the  Indians 
and  the  whites,  says  that  there  were  “not  less  than  ten  or  fifteen  half-breed 
infants  among  the  squaws.”  Two  constructions  might  be  placed  on  this  passage, 
one,  that  ten  or  fifteen  half-breed  children  were  killed,  which  would  be  quite 
impossible;  the  other,  that  the  total  number  of  offspring  resulting  from  the  inter- 
marriage of  the  two  races  amounted  to  ten  or  fifteen.  This  latter  construction 
might  be  readily  accepted  as  the  truth.  The  same  writer  also  states  that  “at 
Eagle  Prairie,  a few  nights  since,  they  slew  several  half-breed  squaws,  who  were 
crying  for  mercy  in  plain  English.  ’ ’ In  this  case,  owing  to  very  recent  settle- 
ment, the  “squaws”  could  scarcely  have  exceeded  the  age  of  eight  years,  whereas 
the  word  is  usually  understood  to  mean  an  adult  female. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory 


331 


time  and,  in  general,  to  have  adhered  quite  closely  to  the  real  facts. 
The  description  follows  :247 

Amidst  the  wailing  of  mutilated  infants,  the  cries  of  agony  of  children,  the 
shrieks  and  groans  of  mothers  in  death,  the  savage  blows  are  given,  cutting 
through  bone  and  brain.  The  cries  for  mercy  are  met  by  joke  and  libidinous 
remark,  while  the  bloody  ax  descends  with  unpitying  stroke,  again  and  again, 
doing  its  work  of  death,  the  hatchet  and  knife  finishing  what  the  ax  left  undone. 
A few  escaped — a child  under  the  body  of  its  dead  mother,  a young  woman 
wounded,  and  another  who  hid  in  the  bushes. . . . 

Here  was  a mother  fatally  wounded  hugging  the  mutilated  carcass  of  her 
dying  infant  to  her  bosom;  there,  a poor  child  of  two  years  old,  with  its  ear  and 
scalp  tore  from  the  side  of  its  little  head.  Here  a father  frantic  with  grief  over 
the  bloody  corpses  of  his  four  little  children  and  wife;  there,  a brother  and 
sister  bitterly  weeping,  and  trying  to  soothe  with  cold  water  the  pallid  face  of 
a dying  relative.  Here,  an  aged  female  still  living  and  sitting  up,  though  covered 
with  ghastly  wounds,  and  dyed  in  her  own  blood;  there,  a living  infant  by  its 
dead  mother,  desirous  of  drawing  some  nourishment  from  a source  that  had 
ceased  to  flow. 

The  wounded,  dead  and  dying  were  found  all  around,  and  in  every  lodge  the 
skulls  and  frames  of  women  and  children  cleft  with  axes  and  hatchets,  and  stabbed 
With  knives,  and  the  brains  of  an  infant  oozing  from  its  broken  head  to  the 
ground.  But  five  men  were  killed  on  Indian  [Gunther]  Island,  and  but  few 
elsewhere.  . . . So,  where  is  the  good  to  come  from  these  murders  of  55  on  Indian 
Island,  58  on  South  Beach,  40  on  South  Fork  of  Eel  river  previously,  and  35 
subsequently  on  Eagle  Prairie — 188  lives  of  human  beings  in  all? 

If  not  a great  mistake  current,  Capt.  Wright’s  Company  of  Volunteers  have 
been  acting  not  only  without  State  authority,  but  in  defiance  thereof,  and  the 
perpetration  of  the  sanguinary  deeds  were  done  by  a few,  the  many  thereof  look- 
ing upon  such  deeds  with  horror.  The  civil  authorities  here  are  paralized  or 
divided.  Our  Sheriff  says,  1 1 Served  them  right ! ’ ’ and  the  tone  of  a newspaper 
called  Humboldt  Times,  advocates  such  principles. 

Nobody  ever  knew  with  any  exactness  the  precise  number  killed 
on  the  island.  All  the  survivors  living  to  the  north  quickly  placed 
their  dead  and  dying  in  canoes  and  started  for  home  before  the  vis- 
itors from  Eureka  arrived.  The  first  visitors  counted  thirty-six  dead 
bodies,248  mostly  women  and  children,  in  and  near  the  several  houses, 
while  a number  of  others  died  within  a few  days.  One  or  two,  though 
so  badly  cut  up  with  hatchets  as  to  be  horribly  disfigured  for  life, 
recovered.  One  assertion  is  that  the  total  number  killed  on  the  island 
was  sixty  or  seventy,  of  whom  fifty  or  sixty  were  women  and  children. 

Some  accounts  say  that  of  about  thirty  from  the  mouth  of  Mad 
river  sleeping  on  the  island,  all  but  a few  were  killed.  The  inhabitants 
of  site  7 escaped,  as  previously  stated,  owing  to  the  fact  that  because 
of  an  unsettled  quarrel  with  Captain  Jim  they  did  not  attend  the 

247  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  13,  1860,  correspondent  signing  as  “Eye- 
, Witness.  ’ ’ 

248  These  figures  are  from  a witness,  the  editor  of  the  Northern  Californian, 
published  at  Areata,  copied  by  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  March  13,  1860. 


332 


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dance.  Jim  Brock  said  that  about  fifty  from  Blue  Lake  attended  the 
dance  of  whom  many  were  killed.  Some  of  the  Indians  living  near 
the  bend  of  Mad  river  came  to  Areata  by  way  of  Daniels  slough  and 
were  carried  home  by  the  whites  in  wagons.  Accounts  say  that  these 
numbered  about  forty  dead,  mostly  women  and  children,  and  ten  or 
fifteen  living,  of  whom  several  died  later. 

Hatteway’s  squaw  said  that  the  number  of  white  men  engaged 
in  the  crime  was  only  six  or  seven.  It  was  never  publicly  known  who 
they  were,  since  none  were  brought  to  trial.  A considerable  number 
were  suspected  of  being  none  too  good  to  commit  the  deed,  but  as  they 
were  shielded  by  persons  of  position  and  authority,  no  one  dared 
openly  to  accuse  them.  The  most  that  was  ever  done  to  promote 
justice  was  the  writing  of  numerous  anonymous249  letters  to  the  San 
Francisco  newspapers.  From  these  letters  it  appears  that  some  of 
the  murderers  at  least  were  from  the  Eel  river  region  and  were 
members  of  Seaman  Wright’s  Company  of  Volunteers,  though  it 
would  be  unwarranted  to  say  that  the  company  as  such  had  any 
previous  knowledge  of  the  affair.  The  assertion  has  been  made 
that  the  leader  of  this  murderous  band  was  a man  by  the  name  of 

“L ,”  a man  who  had  a cattle  ranch  on  Larrabee  creek,  and 

whose  character  has  been  described  on  page  322. 

On  the  night  of  the  attack  it  appears  that  men  rode  through  from 
Eel  river  to  the  south  end  of  the  bay,  hitched  their  horses,  took  pos- 
session of  Captain  Buhne’s  boat  anchored  near  Humboldt  Point, 
crossed  to  site  112,  killed  most  of  the  Indians  there,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded up  the  bay  to  Gunther  island.  The  day  after  the  massacre, 
the  leader  of  the  band  is  said  to  have  boasted  that  he  himself  during 
the  night  had  killed  thirty  women  and  children  with  his  hatchet. 

Some  of  the  more  extravagant  assertions  are  to  the  effect  that 
Indians  were  killed  the  same  night  at  other  places  on  Humboldt  bay 
besides  those  mentioned  as  well  as  on  Eel  rivdr,  and  throughout  the 
county;  that  the  total  number  killed  was  two  hundred  and  fifty  or 
more;  and  that  about  forty  whites  were  engaged  at  the  different 
places.  These  accounts  appear  to  the  writer  as  unworthy  of  credence. 
The  facts  as  they  have  been  presented  are  bad  enough,  without  at- 
tempting to  make  them  appear  worse. 

249  Prom  one  to  half  a dozen  letters  were  written  to  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin 
by  each  of  the  persons  making  the  following  signatures:  J.  A.  Lord,  J.  R.  D., 
Chas.  Rossiter,  Sheriff  Van  Ness,  Eye-Witness,  Anti-Thug,  Citizen,  Justice,  S.  Y. 
Conner,  Exodus,  and  Maj.  G.  J.  Rains.  These  letters  appeared  in  the  following 
issues:  Feb.  28;  Mar.  2,  13,  28,  30;  Apr.  11,  23;  May  11,  24;  June  1,  18,  1860. 
Additional  information  was  obtained  by  the  writer  from  living  pioneers  and  from 
Indians. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  333 

As  to  the  massacre  at  site  112,  Dandy  Bill  gave  a list  of  the  number 
killed  at  each  of  the  eleven  houses,  as  well  as  a list  of  those  escaping. 
Of  those  killed  there  were : 1 old  man,  7 middle-aged  men,  3 old  women 
(one  of  whom  was  blind),  11  middle-aged  women,  6 boys,  3 girls,  4 
younger  children,  and  1 baby,  making  a total  of  at  least  36.  For 
some  of  the  families  Dandy  Bill  was  not  certain  of  the  number  of  the 
younger  children,  so  that  the  total  might  be  a little  more  than  36. 
Only  11  or  12  men  and  4 women  escaped,  and  of  these  1 man  and  3 
women  lived  in  a house  which  stood  apart  from  the  others  and  in 
consequence  was  not  attacked  at  all.  One  of  those  escaping  fled  across 
the  bay  to  give  warning  to  the  village  at  the  mouth  of  Elk  river,  but 
was  overtaken  by  the  whites  and  killed.  However,  it  seems  either  that 
the  village  got  warning  or  that  the  whites  became  alarmed.  At  any 
rate,  they  hazarded  no  attack,  so  some  accounts  say,  while  others  say 
this  village  was  also  attacked. 

As  to  the  cause  of  all  this  slaughter,  the  local  papers  attempted  to 
say  something  at  first  as  an  excuse  for  the  outrage.  However  every- 
thing that  was  said  was  quickly  disproved  to  the  satisfaction  of  nearly 
everyone.  About  a week  before  the  massacre  an  Indian  supposed 
to  be  Sherman  George  of  site  112  was  said  to  have  been  shot  at  and 
wounded  in  the  back  while  committing  thefts  on  the  Bald  Hills. 
Hank  Larrabee,  a most  vicious  white  man  having  a cattle  ranch  on 
Larrabee  creek,  came  to  the  bay  to  claim  his  victim.  The  Indian  was 
found  at  the  place  of  a white  man  living  on  Elk  river,  and  by  taking 
off  his  clothing  he  proved  that  he  was  not  the  guilty  one,  as  he  had 
never  been  wounded.  About  this  time  several  bad  characters  from 
among  the  whites  living  on  the  hills  are  said  to  have  met  at  a house 
just  east  of  Bed  Bluff,  it  was  presumed  for  the  purpose  of  making 
plans. 

One  of  the  extravagant  assertions  made  after  the  massacre  was  that 
of  7000  to  8000  cattle  on  the  Bald  Hills  one-eighth  had  been  killed 
during  the  preceding  year.  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  seen  daily 
going  back  and  forth  from  the  bay  to  the  hills  conveying  large  quan- 
tities of  beef  to  their  homes  near  the  white  settlements.  These  Indians 
sometimes  constituted  parties  of  from  ten  to  twenty,  it  was  said,  and 
dried  beef  was  reported  as  found  in  their  rancherias  on  Gunther 
island,  at.  site  112,  and  on  Eel  river.  However,  this  dried  meat  was 
later  found  to  be  dried  seal  meat,  and  it  was  declared  that  so  far  as 
the  Indians  on  Gunther  island  were  concerned:  “neither  man,  woman 
nor  child  would  touch  beef.  It  is  well  known  to  families  in  Eureka 


334 


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that  they  have  a superstitions  antipathy  to  eating  that  kind  of  food, 
and  are  known  to  have  thrown  away  meat  given  to  them.  ’ ’ 

Another  charge  was  that  the  coast  Indians  furnished  arms  and 
ammunition  tp  the  mountain  tribes  and  gave  them  an  asylum  when 
they  were  hard  pressed  by  the  volunteers.  This  supposition  has  been 
answered  by  the  established  fact  that  there  never  were  friendly  rela- 
tions between  these  two  groups  of  Indians.  Besides,  it  was  finally 
ascertained  that  the  depredations  were  committed  by  Indians  having 
only  bows  and  arrows,  as  the  last  cow  shot  with  a gun  was  killed  seven 
months  before  the  massacre.  Thus  the  Wiyot  have  been  completely 
exonerated  in  every  way.  One  of  the  strongest  testimonials  in  their 
favor  is  a letter  of  Major  G.  J.  Rains,  commander  at  Fort  Humboldt. 
This  letter  published  in  the  San  Francisco  Bulletin , May  24,  1860,  is 
as  follows : 

I can  find  no  excuse  whatever  for  the  horrid  massacres  on  this  Bay  and  the 
removal  of  Indians  thereof  from  the  county,  whom  I have  considered  as  safe- 
guards to  the  citizens  of  this  vicinity  and  their  property,  by  acting  as  spies  upon 
the  mountain  tribes,  to  destroy  small  numbers  and  betray  larger  ones  who  might 
come  for  spoilation  or  murder. 

An  example  of  how  the  Wiyot  acted  as  spies  on  the  mountain 
tribes  is  shown  when  Areata  got  an  alarm250  on  the  night  of  October  3, 
1858.  The  Mad  river  Wiyot  thought  that  they  heard  sounds  of  a 
hostile  band  in  the  brush,  and  reported  that  the  Redwood  Indians 
were  coming  to  burn  the  town  and  kill  everybody.  The  American 
women  and  children  were  taken  to  a fireproof  building  for  safety, 
while  the  men  followed  the  Indian  guides  out  to  Mad  river,  where 
they  thought  that  they  had  heard  the  noise.  It  all  proved  a false 
alarm,  as  there  was  no  depredating  band  of  mountain  Indians ; yet 
it  shows  the  alertness  of  the  Wiyot  in  sensing  danger  and  reporting 
it  to  the  whites. 

TREATMENT  BY  THE  WHITES  SINCE  1860 

Immediately  after  the  massacre,  all  of  the  surviving  Indians  who 
had  lived  on  the  bay  sought  an  asylum  at  Fort  Humboldt  near  Bucks- 
port,  and  in  April  were  taken  to  Klamath  reservation  along  with  their 
fellow  tribesmen  from  Mad  and  Eel  rivers.  We  have  this  account  of 
the  removal  :251 

The  last  act  in  the  tragic  drama  of  murder  and  oppression,  which  began  on 
Humboldt  Bay  on  the  26th  of  February  last,  has  just  been  performed.  The 

250  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Oct.  12,  1858. 

251  Ibid.,  May  11,  1860. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  335 


friendly  aborigines,  in  number  450,  have  been  removed  from  Humboldt  county. 
Those  on  Mad  river,  about  120  in  number,  were  first  forcibly  expelled  from  their 
residences,  herded  like  cattle,  and  all,  under  the  fear  of  death,  had  to  leave  their 
homes,  as  dear  to  them  as  ours  are  to  us.  These  Indians . . . are  measurably 
civilized.  Some  of  them  speak  our  language,  they  have  mingled  with  the  whites, 
and  were  accustomed  to  aid  in  their  domestic  concerns. . . .It  would  have  moved  a 
heart  of  stone,  to  have  seen  these  poor  creatures  grieving,  burning  up  their  boats 
and  houses,  and  then  driven  from  their  homes — their  “ sacred  hearths” — from 
the  graves  of  their  murdered  relatives,  from  the  land  of  their  forefathers — a land 
still  their  own,  for  it  has  never  been  purchased,  nor  have  they  received  one  iota 
as  quid  pro  quo  for  all  this  country. 

It  becomes  us  now  to  correct  false  impressions  which  have  gone  abroad  (mainly 
propagated  by  a mendacious  print  here — probably  pandering- for  votes,)  by  giving 
a statement  easily  verified  by  any  disinterested  person,  proving  that  the  objections 
to  this  population  were  without  foundation.  In  many  cases  these  Indians  were 
useful.  They  were  divers  and  hands  at  the  fisheries;  they  were  harvesters,  aiding 
the  whites  in  getting  in  their  grain,  and  bringing  them  berries,  fish  and  clams; 
they  were  packers  and  guides  to  mountain  trains;  while  their  wives  were  of  much 
service  to  the  ladies  of  Eureka  on  their  wash  days  and  in  other  household  duties. 
. . . They  killed  nobody — neither  women,  children  nor  cattle ; they  troubled  nobody, 
and  nobody’s  property;  they  never  were  drunk  nor  drank  liquor,  and  really  were 
the  most  inoffensive  and  harmless  Indians,  perhaps,  the  world  ever  saw. . . . 

At  Klamath  reservation  the  Wiyot  found  an  uncongenial  home 
and  in  three  or  four  months  larger  or  smaller  parties  began  to  drift 
back  to  their  old  homes,252  where  they  found  on  the  one  hand  a few 
sympathetic  whites  desirous  of  protecting  them,  and  on  the  other  hand 
a considerable  number  equally  desirous  of  embracing  every  oppor- 
tunity to  murder  them.  One  party  found  safety  for  a time  by 
camping  in  Bucksport  near  the  house  of  a wdiite  man  of  doubtful 
friendliness.  This  man,  though  pretending  friendship,  planned  to 
kill  them  all,  or  at  least  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of  others  to  be 
killed,  but  his  wife  learned  of  the  plans  and  revealed  them  to  the 
Indians,  who  escaped  by  sleeping  at  night  in  the  bushes.  One  of  this 
party  of  Wiyot,  Ned  by  name,  was  later  killed  when,  driven  by 
hunger,  he  sought  to  gather  a few  clams.  His  murderer  boasted  that 
when  five  shots  failed  to  kill  the  Indian,  he  knocked  him  on  the  head. 

Another  Indian,  Ben  by  name,  was  working  for  a white  man 
living  on  the  North  Spit,  and  was  dealt  with  treacherously,  it  would 
appear,  by  being  sent  on  an  errand  to  Gunther  island,  where  two  men 
met  and  killed  him.  Frequently  other  Indians,  becoming  suspicious, 
were  impelled  to  seek  safety  in  hiding.  From  time  to  time  these 
refugees  were  gathered  up  and  taken  to  some  reservation,  first  to 
Klamath  reservation,  then  to  Smith  river,  and  finally  to  Hoopa. 


252  Ibid.,  Aug.  4,  27,  Oct.  26,  1860;  Jan.  17,  1861. 


336 


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In  the  early  part  of  January,  1862,  every  acre  of  arable  land  on 
Klamath  reservation  was  swept  by  a flood  such  as  “the  oldest  inhab- 
itant among  the  Indians  had  never  before  witnessed.  ’ ’ Every  Indian 
village,  thirty  government  buildings  (all  buildings  except  one  barn), 
all  the  harvested  crops  and  stores,  all  fencing,  farming  tools,  hogs, 
fowls,  and  part  of  the  cattle,  were  swept  into  the  river.  This  necessi- 
tated the  removal  of  the  Indians  to  a new  location,  Smith  river.  The 
following  quotations  taken  from  several  reports  of  the  Superintendent 
of  Indian  Affairs,  Northern  District  of  California,  hint  at  the  miser- 
able condition  of  the  Wiyot,  as  well  as  the  neighboring  mountain 
tribes,  on  the  various  reservations.  The  dates  given  are  the  dates  on 
which  the  reports  were  forwarded  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs. 

February  14,  1862.253  After  having  accomplished  the  negotiation  [for.  the 
purchase  of  Smith  river  farms]  I at  once  removed  one  of  the  tribes,  numbering 
between  four  and  five  hundred,  and  called  the  Humboldt  [bay]  Indians,  from 
Klamath.  These  were  so  anxious  to  be  removed  that  they  actually  travelled 
through  snow,  rain,  and  mud  barefooted,  over  a distance  of  forty  miles,  to  where 
they  expected  to  find  something  to  eat.  On  the  journey  two  of  the  squaws  brought 
forth  an  heir,  travelling  on  the  next  morning,  with  the  new-comers  on  their  backs, 
as  though  nothing  of  the  kind  had  happened. 

August  18,  1862.254  i am  now  about  to  remove  some  600  or  700  Indians  from 
Fort  Humboldt  to  said  valley  [Smith  river].  These  have  been  mostly  collected 
by  troops  under  Colonel  Leppit  from  the  mountains,  in  Humboldt  county,  on  the 
Eel  and  Mad  rivers,  and  are  akin  to  many  of  those  now  at  Smith  River  valley; 
more . will  be  collected  and  removed  accordingly.  How  I am  to  provide  shelter, 
food,  and  clothing  for  so  many  Indians  ...  I cannot  divine,  except  it  be  by  a 
miracle.  The  poor  creatures  must  suffer  the  ensuing  winter,  for  the  credit  of  the 
government  is  so  impaired  I will  not  be  able  to  procure  further  supplies. . . . The 
Indians  now  to  be  removed  are  destitute  of  clothing  entirely . . . and  we  are  nearly 
twenty  thousand  dollars  in  debt,  and  not  one  dollar  yet  received  for  1862. 

October  10,  1862.255  Having  very  recently  removed  840  additional  Indians 
from  Fort  Humboldt  to  said  valley,  there  are  now  over  2,000  in  the  aggregate 
already  upon  this  proposed  reservation,  and  several  hundred  more  collecting  at 
Fort  Humboldt,  who  must  also  be  removed  to  the  same  locality  at  an  early  day. 

July  18,  1863.256  The  unsettled  condition  of  three-fourths  or  more  of  the 
Indians,  who  have  been  compelled  to  lie  on  the  cold,  damp  ground  ever  since 
their  removal  from  Klamath  and  Humboldt  counties,  has  caused  disease,  and 
death  in  many  instances, ...  I have  ascertained  that  only  130  out  of  840  Indians 
which  were  removed  to  Smith  River  reservation  from  Humboldt  bay  last  Septem- 
ber ever  returned,  and  that  little  band,  [Lassik  tribe  of  Larrabee  creek  region] 
with  their  chief,  Las-ac,  left  the  first  night  after  they  landed  in  the  valley.  Las-ac, 
I hear,  has  since  been  killed. 

253  37  Cong.  3 sess.,  serial  no.  1157,  doc.  1,  pp.  460,  461. 

254 ibid.,  p.  465. 

255  Ibid.,  p.  453. 

256  38  Cong.  1 sess.,  serial  no.  1182,  doc.  1,  p.  212. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  337 

I am  now  constructing  a hospital  at  Smith  River  valley,  and  as  soon  as  it  is 
finished,  will  make  an  effort,  by  the  close  attention  of  the  physician,  to  banish 
the  most  loathsome  of  diseases  from  among  the  Indians;  but  while  the  more 
degraded  men  of  the  white  race  are  permitted  to  live  in  reach  of,  and  come  in 
contact  with  them,  I almost  despair  of  success.  The  Indians  on  all  the  reserva- 
tions continue  to  labor  faithfully. . . . They  are  very  destitute  of  clothing,  only  an 
occasional  Indian  wearing  a whole  garment,  and  not  a whole  blanket  could  be 
found  among  100  Indians;  and  their  constant  inquiry  was:  “When  Captain 
Lincoln,  big  chief , send  Indians  plenty  blankets?” 

September  1,  1864.257  This  section  of  the  country  [Klamath  and  Humboldt 
counties]  had  been  cursed  for  years  with  a destructive  Indian  war,  that  had  well- 
nigh  ruined  its  business  interests,  and  promised  to  end  only  in  the  extermination 
of  the  Indians.  A vigorous  campaign,  accompanied  by  great  loss  of  life,  had 
been  waged  during  the  past  year,  and  the  Indians,  though  severely  dealt  with, 
were  still  unsubdued,  but,  through  the  efforts  of  the  district  commander,  had 
ceased  hostilities  and  come  into  Hoopa  valley,  the  home  of  most  of  the  warriors, 
where  with  their  arms  still  in  their  possession,  they  were  waiting  some  action 
on  the  part  of  the  government  toward  establishing  a treaty. ...  I at  once  pro- 
ceeded to  Hoopa  valley  to  treat  with  the  Indians . . . resulting  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a reservation  in  Hoopa  valley,  and  the  surrender  of  their  arms  by  the 
Indians. 

After  being  repeatedly  taken  to  the  several  reservations  and  sub- 
jected to  such  uncongenial  conditions  as  too  generally  prevailed  on 
reservations,  the  diminishing  survivors  of  the  Wiyot  nation  were 
finally  permitted  to  live  within  the  limits  of  their  original  territory, 
where  they  are  all  to  be  found  at  the  present  time. 


ARCHAEOLOGY  OF  SITE  67 

ENVIRONMENT  OF  THE  MOUND 

The  part  of  the  bay  north  of  Eureka,  that  is,  all  the  part  which  is 
shown  on  the  map,  plate  2,  contains,  as  nearly  as  could  be  ascertained 
by  a careful  measurement  of  the  hydrographic  map  published  in  1912 
by  the  U.  S.  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey,  about  14.7  square  miles  of 
water  at  high  tide,  over  half  of  which,  or  about  7.8  square  miles,  is 
mud  flats  at  the  mean  of  the  lower  low  waters.  Gunther  island,  some- 
thing over  a mile  in  length,  situated  just  opposite  Eureka,  is  favorably 
located  for  reaching  any  part  of  the  northern  end  of  the  bay  in  a 
canoe,  no  shore  being  more  than  five  miles  distant. 

The  whole  island,  with  the  exception  of  two  mounds,  was  formerly, 
before  being  diked  in,  covered  with  marsh  plants  and  flooded  at  the 
time  of  extremely  high  tides.  Three  lumber  mills  were  built  on  the 
southern  part  of  the  island  and  operated  at  different  times  between 


257  38  Cong.  2 sess.,  serial  no.  1220,  doc.  1,  pp.  260,  261. 


338 


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1866  and  1896 ; and  in  consequence  ten  artesian  wells  were  bored, 
besides  one  on  each  of  the  mounds,  or  twelve  in  all.  These  ranged  in 
depth  from  85  to  248  feet.  Robert  Gunther,  not  being  able  to  lay  his 
hands  upon  papers  in  his  possession,  gave  certain  statements  regard- 
ing the  depths  of  these  wells  from  memory.  These  statements  are 
doubtless  substantially  correct,  since  he  had  special  facilities  for 
observation  while  serving  as  engineer  in  the  mills.  Following  is  his 
description. 

Every  one  of  the  wells  furnished  water  tasting  differently  or  acting  differently 
in  the  boilers.  No.  1 was  85  feet  deep  and  physicked  everybody  who  drank  from 
it.  No.  3 was  248  feet  deep,  had  an  abundance  of  water,  but  in  time  too  fast 
pumping  sucked  sand  to  the  top,  so  that  it  had  to  be  abandoned.  No.  4 was  165 
feet  deep.  The  water  contained  carbonic  acid  and  flowed  eight  feet  higher  than 
the  marsh  level.  No.  5 was  220  feet  deep,  nos.  6 and  7,  168  feet.  No.  11,  situated 
on  site  68,  was  171  feet  deep.  The  marsh  material  here  had  a depth  of  two  feet, 
beneath  which  there' were  twenty  or  thirty  feet  of  mixed  sand  and  clay,  followed 
by  quicksand.  The  water  rises  in  this  well  to  a point  four  feet  above  marsh 
level.  No.  12  at  site  67  was  bored  to  a depth  of  168  feet  when  some  obstacle 
stopped  farther  progress  of  the  drill.  At  a depth  of  100  feet  a streak  of  excep- 
tionally tough  blue  clay  was  encountered.  The  water  in  this  well  does  not  over- 
flow, but  has  to  be  raised  with  a force  pump. 

For  the  purpose  of  locating  the  perimeter  of  the  mound  which 
constitutes  site  67,  as  well  as  to  ascertain  the  character  of  the  sub- 
stratum, the  writer  dug  eleven  holes,  some  of  them  to  a depth  of  four 
feet  below  the  marsh  level.  For  a depth  of  two  to  three  feet  beneath 
the  surface  of  the  marsh  there  was  a dark  colored  sand  containing 
small  black  peat-like  streaks,  the  remains  of  decayed  marsh  vegetation. 
Beneath  this  layer  there  was  a stratum,  six  to  twelve  inches  thick, 
composed  of  a very  sticky  bluish  clay  mixed  with  a little  sand.  As 
soon  as  this  layer  had  been  penetrated,  water  bubbled  up  which  was 
perfectly  fresh  to  the  taste.  In  the  holes  farthest  from  the  shore,  the 
water  rose  to  within  eighteen  to  twenty-four  inches  from  the  marsh 
surface.  Beneath  the  stratum  of  clay  there  was  a light  colored  sand, 
a sort  of  quicksand  in  one  case,  into  which  the  shovel  could  be  punched 
to  a depth  of  a foot  and  a half.  The  investigations  indicate  that  there 
has  been  no  marked  change  in  the  land  level  within  the  most  recent 
geological  period. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  mound  could  have  obtained  all  the  water 
needed  for  cooking  and  drinking,  by  digging  a hole  into  the  marsh 
until  the  stratum  of  clay  had  been  penetrated.  If  their  well  were 
flooded  at  high  tide,  it  was  only  necessary  to  bail  out  the  salt  water, 
and  then  from  beneath  would  come  up  fresh  water. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  339 


SIZE  AND  SHAPE  OF  THE  MOUND 

Site  67  is  an  irregularly  pear-shaped  mound  600  feet  long,  400  feet 
wide,  and  14  feet  high  (see  plan,  pi.  11),  situated  on  the  marsh  at 
the  northeast  extremity  of  Gunther  island.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
any  part  of  the  mound  reaches  below  the  present  level  of  the  marsh 
except  along  the  beach  on  the  eastern  and  northeastern  sides.  Here 
the  shell  has  been  washed  down  by  the  tides  to  a level  lower  than  that 
of  the  marsh  surface.  Storms  from  the  northeast  occurring  at  the 
time  of  high  tides  have  formed  several  shell  bars,  as  indicated  on  the 
plan.  Robert  Gunther  reports  that  a considerable  strip  on  the  east 
side  of  the  mound  has  been  washed  away  by  storms  since  1860.  One 
of  the  bars  has  formed  since  the  dike  was  built,  but  the  volume  of 
shell  in  this  is  rather  trifling.  The  larger  of  the  projections  from  the 
mound  is  3%  feet  in  depth  at  its  center,  is  composed  largely  of  shell 
with  scarcely  any  surface  soil,  and  may  have  originated  as  a separate 
deposit,  the  two  becoming  connected  as  they  grew  in  size.  This  belief 
is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  there  is  near-by  a deposit  fifty  or 
more  feet  in  diameter  wholly  unconnected  with  the  larger  mound. 
The  smaller  deposit  is  shown  in  the  foreground  in  plate  9,  figure  1, 
while  the  larger  mound  appears  in  the  distance. 

The  major  portion  of  the  mound  is  owned  by  Robert  Gunther,  but 
a small  parcel  in  other  hands  is  fenced  in  as  a chicken  ranch.  One 
corner  of  this  latter  parcel  is  taken  as  the  zero  point  or  point  of 
intersection  for  the  base  lines  A-B  and  C-D  as  marked  upon  the 
accompanying  plan.  Every  position  is  located  with  reference  to  these 
base  lines.  Thus  the  trench  which  was  dug  lies  between  95  and  100 
feet  northwest  of  line  C-D  and  between  100  and  215  feet  northeast 
of  line  A-B.  In  the  plan  of  the  mound  the  perimeter  is  drawn  from 
measurement,  but  the  five  and  ten  foot  contours  are  only  approximate. 


COMPOSITION  OF  THE  MOUND 
Layers  of  Stratification 

Plate  12,  figure  1,  shows  the  vertical  cross-section  of  the  mound  in 
the  line  E-P,  while  figure  2 shows  on  a larger  scale  the  vertical  cross- 
section  in  that  part  of  line  E— E which  forms  the  southeastern  wall 
of  the  trench.  Stratification  was  observed  to  some  extent  during 
excavation,  but  no  effort  was  made  to  keep  the  artifacts  of  each  layer 


340 


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separate.  In  fact,  the  layers  were  so  indistinct  that  it  would  have  been 
impossible.  However,  after  the  excavation  had  been  completed,  the 
lines  of  stratification  were  easily  seen  on  the  wall  of  the  trench.  In 
places  a depth  of  8%  feet  was  reached,  but  there  were  never  over 
five  layers  in  any  one  vertical  section,  while  for  the  whole  length  of 
the  trench  eighteen  layers  were  noted. 

Samples  of  mound  material  from  some  of  the  different  layers  were 
brought  to  the  museum  and  analyzed  to  determine  the  percentage  of 
each  constituent.  The  analysis  was  made  by  passing  the  material 
through  a series  of  sieves  and  then  separating  the  charcoal  from  all 
except  the  very  finest  sifting  by  running  water.  The  several  grades 
of  siftings  were  dried  over  a fire  until  they  had  less  weight  than  before 
they  were  placed  in  the  water,  and  then  picked  over  by  hand  to 
separate  the  shell,  bird  bones,  fish  remains,  and  other  constituents. 

In  the  analyzing  of  nine  samples  with  a total  weight  of  9490  grams 
(20.92  pounds),  three  sieves,  having  respectively  8,  16,  and  25  meshes 
to  the  inch,  were  used.  These  sieves  separated  the  mound  material 
into  four  grades  according  to  the  size  of  the  constituents.  The  grades 
have  been  designated  in  table  2 as  coarse,  medium,  fine,  and  finest. 
The  coarse  grade,  that  is  the  material  caught  on  a sieve  having  eight 
meshes  to  the  inch,  amounts  to  1791.57  grams  or  18.88%  of  the  total 
material  comprising  the  nine  samples.  This  grade  consisted  chiefly 
of  very  coarse  shell  with  a small  amount  of  bird  bones  and  an  occa- 
sional pebble  or  fish  vertebra. 

The  medium  sized  grade,  that  is  the  material  passing  through  a 
sieve  of  eight  meshes  but  caught  on  one  of  sixteen  meshes  to  the  inch, 
amounted  to  205.12  grams  or  2.16%  of  the  whole  and  was  about 
three-quarters  shell,  the  remainder  being  mainly  fish  bones  and  char- 
coal. 

The  fine  grade,  that  is  the  material  passing  through  a sieve  of 
sixteen  meshes  but  caught  on  one  of  twenty-five  meshes  to  the  inch, 
amounted  to  118.34  grams  or  1.25%  of  the  whole,  and  was  three- 
quarters  shell,  the  remainder  being  mainly  charcoal.  As  sorting  such 
fine  material  by  hand  proved  too  tedious  in  the  case  of  layer  III 
and  layer  VII,  only  a part  was  sorted,  and  with  this  as  a basis  for 
calculation  the  proportion  of  each  constituent  was  estimated  in  the 
remainder.  Even  though  there  should  be  some  error  in  this  estimate 
of  proportions,  the  general  result  would  be  but  slightly  affected. 

The  fourth  and  finest  grade,  that  passing  through  a sieve  of 
tw'enty-five  meshes  to  the  inch,  amounted  to  7374.97  grams  or  77.71% 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  341 

of  the  whole,  and  was  mostly  sand  with  a small  but  indeterminate 
amount  of  ash258  and  charcoal. 

In  table  2 it  will  be  observed  that  the  nine  samples  analyzed  have 
an  average  of  16.20%  for  the  coarse  grade,  1.79%  of  the  medium 
grade,  1.25%  for  the  fine  grade,  and  8.76%  for  the  finest  grade. 
These  figures,  which  are  the  average  for  all  the  layers,  would  be  more 
nearly  the  average  for  the  whole  mound  than  the  figures  given  above, 
where  a single  sample,  and  that  from  a pocket  not  at  all  typical, 
constitutes  over  one-third  of  the  total  weight  of  the  nine  samples 
analyzed.  Below  will  be  given  a description  of  the  several  layers  of 
stratification  noted  in  the  excavation  (see  plate  12),  together  with  the 
results  of  the  analysis  of  the  various  samples  taken  from  these  layers. 
Table  3 also  shows  in  condensed  form  the  results  obtained  by  the 
analysis  of  the  various  samples. 

I.  The  surface  layer,  with  a depth  varying  from  six  inches  on  the  knolls  to 
2 y<2  feet  in  the  old  house  pits,  has  a tendency  to  smooth  out  the  irregularities  of 
the  former  surface  of  the  mound.  It  also  attains  a considerable  thickness  on  the 
sloping  sides  of  the  mound.  This  is  by  far  the  most  sharply  defined  of  all  the 
layers,  being  of  a black  sandy  nature.  The  unusually  dark  color  is  doubtless  due 
either  to  microscopic  particles  of  charcoal  or  to  decayed  organic  matter  such  as 
acorn  shells.  A sample  of  308  grams  of  mound  material  obtained  from  this 
layer  at  a depth  of  one  foot  gave  an  analysis  of  7.88%  mollusk  shell,  .20%  fish 
remains,  .23%  bird  bones,  .54%  charcoal,  .23%  rock  or  gravel,  and  90.91%  residue 
passing  through  the  finest  sieve.  This  residue,  as  was  also  the  case  in  all  the 
succeeding  layers,  was  mainly  sand  with  a small  amount  of  ash  and  finer  charcoal. 

II.  Alternate  streaks  of.  coarsely  broken  shell  and  light  colored  sand  several 
inches  in  thickness.  One  picked  sample  of  nearly  pure  sand  of  a gray  color 
obtained  at  a depth  of  two  feet  and  weighing  1216  grams  was  found  to  consist 
of  .12%  crab  shell,  .41%  mollusk  shell,  .06%  fish  remains,  .03%  bird  bones,  .07% 
charcoal,  .07%  rock,  .2%  clay,  and  99.03%  sand,  etc. 

III.  Coarsely  broken  shell  was  most  noticeable,  but  there  was  considerable 
sand.  A small  pocket  at  the  depth  of  two  feet,  not  at  all  typical  of  the  layer 
as  a whole,  contained  an  unusually  large  amount  of  bird  bones.  An  analysis  of 
3304  grams  showed  .03%  crab  shell,  .01%  barnacle,  16.06%  other  shell,  .58%  fish 
remains,  9.75%  bird  bones,  .26%  charcoal,  .55%  rock,  .07%  clay,  and  72.68% 
sand,  etc. 

IV.  Light  colored  sand. 

258  E.  W.  Gifford  of  the  museum  staff  has  also  made  an  analysis  of  seven  sam- 
ples from  the  Gunther  island  mound,  site  67,  the  results  of  which  are  incor- 
porated in  a paper  entitled  Composition  of  California  Shellmounds,  present 
series,  xn,  1-29,  1916.  The  difference  in  results  between  his  analysis  and  that  of 
the  present  writer  lies  mainly  in  the  fact  that  he  selected  small  samples  having  a 
weight  of  only  100  grams  (3.53  ounces)  each.  All  material  passing  through  a 
sieve  having  twelve  meshes  to  the  inch  was  submitted  to  a chemist,  who  found 
an  average  of  3.93%  ash  in  three  samples  obtained  at  depths  of  6,  6.5,  and  8 
feet.  It  seems  somewhat  doubtful  to  the  present  writer  whether  larger  samples 
could  be  found  which  would  maintain  so  high  a percentage.  Three  of  the  samples 
analyzed  by  Mr.  Gifford  showed  no  ash  at  all  (see  table  7). 


342 


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Y.  Light  brown  sand.  A sample  from  a depth  of  three  feet  weighing  366 
grams  showed  an  analysis  of  .054%  mollusk  shell,  .9%  charcoal,  .172%  rock, 
.16%  clay,  and  98.71%  sand,  etc. 

Streaks  of  nearly  pure  sand  a few  inches  in  thickness  were  likely  to  be  found 
in  almost  any  layer,  but  because  this  sand  layer  w^as  of  considerable  depth,  it 
seemed  worth  investigating  how  nearly  pure  it  was.  A quantity  of  material  from 
this  stratum,  probably  weighing  nearly  5000  grams,  was  therefore  sifted  at  the- 
spot  on  a screen  of  fourteen  meshes  to  the  inch.  The  material  held  by  the  screen, 
62.5  grams  in  weight,  was  subsequently  taken  to  the  museum  and  subjected  to 
further  examination.  The  result  is  that  the  writer  is  able  to  compute  what  he 
thinks  a detailed  analysis  of  a 5000-gram  sample  would  show.  This  computation 
differs  to  a slight  extent  from  the  analysis  of  the  366  gram  sample  given  above. 
It  is  as  follows:  .047%  shell,  .005%  fish  remains,  .002%  bird  bones,  .67%  char- 
coal, .39%  rock,  .18%  clay,  and  a residue,  assumed  to  be,  as  in  the  366  gram 
sample,  98.71%  of  sand,  etc.,  fine  enough  to  pass  through  a sieve  with  twenty-five 
meshes  to  the  inch. 

YI.  A layer  marked  on  the  diagram,  though  the  characteristics  were  not  noted. 

VII.  Coarsely  broken  shell  was  conspicuous.  At  a depth  of  3%  feet,  which 
would  be  either  at  the  very  bottom  of  this  layer  or  at  the  top  of  layer  X,  there 
was  a small  pocket  of  fish  bones  in  close  proximity  to  a whale  vertebra.  An 
analysis  of  a sample  weighing  990  grams  showed  .56%  crab  shell,  31.22%  mollusk 
shell,  4.86%  fish  remains,  1.72%  bird  bones,  .58%  charcoal,  .1%  rock,  .92%  clay, 
and  60.02%  sand,  etc. 

VIII.  Broken  shell. 

IX.  Light  colored  sand. 

X.  Light  colored  sand  and  broken  shell. 

XI.  Of  all  layers  this  had  the  highest  percentage  of  shell  and  the  lowest 
percentage  of  sand.  It  appears  to  have  been  an  old  beach  exposed  to  the  action 
of  the  waves.  An  analysis  of  a sample  obtained  at  a depth  of  four  feet  and 
weighing  635  grams  showed  .015%  crab  shell,  43.79%  mollusk  shell,  .077%  fish 
remains,  .03%  charcoal,  .39%  rock,  and  55.70%  sand,  etc. 

XII.  Alternate  streaks  of  sand  and  shell. 

XIII.  Chiefly  unbroken  shells  of  several  species. 

XIV.  Dark  colored  sand  with  but  little  shell. 

XV.  Largely  composed  of  sand  of  a darker  color  perhaps  than  any  other  layer 
except  layer  I.  The  dark  color  is  doubtless  due  to  the  presence  of  fine  particles 
of  charcoal,  of  which  there  are  also  many  lumps  about  the  size  of  grains  of  wheat. 
An  analysis  of  a sample  obtained  at  a depth  of  six  feet  and  weighing  345  grams 
showed  3.65%  shell,  .026%  fish  remains,  .026%  bird  bones,  .32%  charcoal,  .09% 
rock,  and  95.89%  sand,  etc. 

XVI.  This  layer  was  composed  largely  of  sand  of  a somewhat  lighter  color 
than  that  in  the  preceding  layer.  The  numerous  lumps  of  charcoal  were  about 
the  size  of  peas  and  beans.  Two  samples  were  analyzed.  The  first,  obtained  at 
a depth  of  6%  feet  and  weighing  302  grams,  showed  23.84%  mollusk  shell,  .1% 
fish  remains,  1.92%  charcoal,  .66%  rock,  and  73.48%  sand,  etc.  The  second 
sample,  obtained  at  a depth  of  eight  feet  (or  eight  inches  above  the  base  of 
the  mound),  and  weighing  2024  grams,  showed  the  following  analysis:  17.64% 
mollusk  shell,  .028%  fish  remains,  .015%  bird  bones,  .015%  cetacean  bones,  1.8% 
charcoal,  .07%  rock,  .022%  clay,  and  80.40%  sand,  etc.  This  sample  was  the 
only  one  analyzed  which  showed  unmistakably  the  presence  of  any  vertebrate 
remains  other  than  fish  and  bird. 

XVII.  Light  brown  sand  mixed  with  fine  charcoal. 

XVIII.  Sand  of  a lighter  color  than  that  in  the  layer  just  above. 


1918]  Loud : Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  : 343 


When  the  samples  of  mound  material  were  selected  to  he  brought 
to  the  University,  the  writer  did  not  have  in  mind  any  such  exact 
analysis  as  has  been  given  above.  In  the  first  place,  the  samples  were 
selected  not  so  much  to  represent  the  mound  as  a whole,  as  particular 
layers,  which  in  some  cases  were  only  a few  inches  in  thickness.  In 
the  second  place,  many  of  the  samples  were  so  small  that  too  much 
reliance  should  not  be  placed  in  the  figures  obtained  on  analysis. 
As  an  example  of  possible  error:  if  a pint  of  sand  weighing  about 
one  thousand  grams  contains  a chert  pebble  half  an  inch  in  diameter, 
the  one  pebble  alone  constitutes  about  one-third  of  one  per  cent  of  the 
weight  of  the  whole  sample.  The  question  then  arises,  should  a pebble 
of  the  given  size  be  included  or  rejected  in  the  selection  of  a typical 
thousand  gram  sample  from  a sand  streak?  Still  greater  errors  are 
liable  to  occur  in  analyzing  small  samples  of  coarsely  broken  shell, 
since  the  weight  of  a single  valve  runs  up  to  at  least  ten  grams  for 
Macoma  nasuta;  one  hundred  for  Cardium  c orb  is;  two  hundred  and 
fifty  for  Schizothaerus  nuHallii;  and  three  hundred  for  Saxidomus 
nuttallii,  to  judge  from  weighed  specimens  of  the  leading  species. 
It  will  be  seen  that  a trustworthy  analysis  of  mound  material  from 
Humboldt  bay  requires  a larger  sample  than  from  San  Francisco  bay 
mounds  because  the  smallest  species  common  in  the  northern  region 
proves  to  be  the  largest  species  commonly  found  in  the  more  southerly 
district. 

Average  C omposition 

The  average  composition  of  the  mound  as  a whole  can  be  approx- 
imated by  a combination  of  the  samples  analyzed.  In  the  case  of  the 
sample  from  layer  III  and  the  sample  from  the  bottom  of  layer  VII, 
we  have  two  pockets  abnormally  high  in  the  percentage  of  both  fish 
and  bird  bones.  Consequently  these  samples  should  be  rejected  in 
averaging.  The  seven  other  samples  yield  an  average  of  13.89% 
mollusk  shell,  .019%  crab  shell,  .07%  fish  bones,  .044%  bird  bones, 
.002%  cetacean  bones,  .798%  charcoal,  .239%  rock  and  gravel,  .055% 
clay,  and  84.87%  sand  and  finer  material  passing  through  a sieve 
having  twenty-five  meshes  to  the  inch. 

By  a somewhat  different  method,  of  procedure  another  analysis  of 
the  mound  composition  was  obtained  for  the  upper  six  feet.  While 
in  the  field,  the  writer  was  impressed  by  the  unusual  amount  of  sand 
in  the  mound  as  compared  with  the  mounds  at  San  Francisco  bay.259 

259  E.  W.  Gifford,  op.  cit.,  table  1,  shows  the  average  composition  of  the  San 
Francisco  bay  shellmounds  to  be  55.59%  shell,  .04%  fish  remains,  .064%  other 
vertebrate  remains,  .198%  charcoal,  14.72%  ash,  9.6%  rock,  and  19.8%  residue. 


344 


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In  order  to  estimate  the  composition  of  the  Gunther  island  mound 
in  a rough  way,  five  gallons  of  material,  estimated  to  be  from  twenty 
to  twenty-five  thousand  grams,  were  taken  at  the  southwest  end  of 
the  trench  at  all  depths  down  to  six  feet,  and  sifted  on  two  screens, 
one  having  four  and  the  other  fourteen  meshes  to  the  inch.  The 
coarser  material  was  estimated  to  be  from  20%  to  23%  of  the  whole 
according  to  bulk  and  subsequently  at  the  University  was  estimated 
to  have  been  from  13.4%  to  16%  of  the  whole  by  weight.  This  was 
practically  all  shell,  though  there  is  much  regret  that  it  was  not 
examined  more  closely  before  being  thrown  away,  in  order  to  have 
ascertained  the  amount  of  pebbles  and  vertebrate  remains. 

The  medium  sized  siftings,  which  were  caught  on  the  screen  having 
fourteen  meshes  to  the  inch  and  which  were  about  4%  of  the  whole 
in  bulk  (estimated  at  the  University  to  be  from  2.4%  to  2.7%  by 
weight),  proved  a surprise.  They  revealed  a proportion  of  fish  bones 
that  had  not  been  suspected.  All  of  these  siftings  were  taken  to 
the  University,  where  an  analysis  of  467  grams  showed  81.15%  shell, 
8.76%  fish  remains,  1.29%  bird  bones,  4.92%  charcoal,  2.53%  rock, 
and  1.34%  clay. 

The  material  passing  through  the  screen  having  fourteen  meshes 
to  the  inch  was  estimated  to  have  a bulk  of  from  73%  to  76%  of  the 
whole  (or  81.3%  to  84.1%  by  weight).  A small  sample  of  this  finer 
material  taken  to  the  University  indicated  that  from  .8%  to  .82% 
of  the  whole  five  gallons  of  material  was  fine  enough  to  pass  through 
a sieve  having  fourteen  meshes  to  the  inch  but  too  coarse  to  pass 
through  a sieve  having  twenty-five  meshes  to  the  inch. 

Combining  the  figures  obtained  by  a rough  measurement  of  bulk 
while  in  the  field  with  the  figures  obtained  by  a more  exact  analysis  at 
the  University,  we  have  a final  estimate  of  the  average  composition  of 
the  mound  for  the  upper  six  feet.  It  is  as  follows : 15.95%  to  18.87% 
shell,  .22%  to  .25%  fish  bones  at  the  very  least,  .03%  to  .035%  bird 
bones  at  the  very  least,  .24%  to  .27%  charcoal,  .09%  to  .1%  rock  at 
the  very  least,  .03%  to  .036%  clay,  and  80.43%  to  83.44%  sand  fine 
enough  to  go  through  a sieve  having  twenty-five  meshes  to  the  inch. 
As  an  unknown  amount  of  bird  bones  and  pebbles  and  an  occasional 
fish  vertebra  were  thrown  away  with  the  coarser  siftings,  the  percent- 
age of  these  would  be  somewhat  greater  than  the  figures  given,  though 
what  the  limits  would  be,  the  writer  does  not  venture  to  say. 

Throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  trench,  after  a depth  of  about 
five  feet  had  been  reached,  there  was  noted  a marked  increase  in  the 
proportion  of  sand. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  345 


Vertebrate  Remains 

Under  the  heading:  Fauna  have  been  listed  the  species  of  verte- 
brate, as  well  as  invertebrate,  remains  found  in  the  mound.  Every 
fragment  of  bone  or  horn  noted  during  excavation,  with  the  exception 
of  bird  bones,  was  saved.  Bird  bones  were  entirely  too  numerous  to 
be  saved  without  exception.  Every  piece  was  saved,  however,  which 
was  thought  to  be  either  of  sufficient  size  to  aid  in  the  identification 
of  species,  or  to  determine  the  relative  abundance  of  each  species  if 
such  a study  should  ever  be  attempted.  The  bird  bones  brought  to 
the  University  weighed  about  nine  pounds.  Even  if  the  full  quantity 
of  coarser  bird  bones  was  two  or  three  times  as  great,  they  would 
not  have  aggregated  one  ten-thousandth,  by  weight  of  the  mound 
material.  But  though  the  coarser  bird  bones  were  not  numerous 
enough  to  form  an  appreciable  percentage,  the  finely  broken  frag- 
ments were  sufficient  in  amount  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  analysis  of 
some  of  the  layers,  as  has  been  shown.  This  result  appears  also  in 
table  3,  although  some  question  may  be  raised  as  to  what  part  chance 
played  in  the  selection  of  the  samples  for  analysis. 

It  was  but  rarely  that  a fish  bone  was  found  of  sufficient  size  to 
be  noticed,  during  excavation,  though  the  presence  of  smaller  fish 
bones  was  revealed  by  sifting.  Unlike  the  bird  bones,  chance  in  the 
selection  of  samples  for  analysis  can  therefore  not  have  affected  the 
determined  proportion  of  fish  bones  very  materially. 

The  principal  facts  regarding  the  amount  and  distribution  of 
mammal  remains  at  different  depths  of  the  mound  can  be  seen  in 
table  4.  About  seven  hundred  and  fifty  fragments  of  bone  and  horn 
from  mammals,  weighing  somewhat  over  thirty-six  pounds,  were 
obtained.  A single  whale  vertebra,  with  several  other  large  cetacean 
bones,  constitutes  fully  a third  of  this  weight.  As  the  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  bone  and  horn  fragments  were  derived  from  an  estimated 
3500  cubic  feet  of  mound  material,  one  bone  or  horn  fragment  would 
come  on  the  average  from  about  each  five  cubic  feet.  Hence  it  is,  that 
we  can  say  the  same  of  mammal  remains  as  of  bird  bones,  namely, 
that,  at  the  very  best,  they  can  scarcely  amount  to  one  ten-thousandth 
by  weight  of  the  mound  material.  Probably  the  proportion  is  much 
less,  and,  unlike  bird  bones,  no  small  fragments  are  revealed  by 
sifting. 

The  impression  was  gained  during  the  excavation  that  there  were 
fewer  mammal  but  more  bird  bones  at  Humboldt  bay  than  in  the  San 


346 


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Francisco  bay  mounds.  Data  for  comparison  with  the  San  Francisco 
bay  mounds  is  not  readily  accessible  except  in  the  case  of  a mound 
situated  near  Castro  in  Santa  Clara  county,  and  this  mound  is  hardly 
typical  of  those  in  the  San  Francisco  bay  region,  since  it  is  situated 
about  three  miles  inland  from  the  open  waters  of  the  bay  and  is  com- 
posed more  largely  of  earth  than  of  shell.260  In  about  12,500  cubic 
feet  of  this  Castro  mound,  887  fragments  of  mammal  remains  were 
found.  These  weighed  46  pounds.  These  figures  show  results  quite 
contrary  to  those  expected,  since  there  are  about  twice  as  many  mam- 
mal remains  at  Gunther  island  as  at  Castro  per  cubic  feet  of  material 
handled.  As  for  bird  bones,  Castro  mound  had  53  ounces  for  the 
entire  excavation.  Consequently  the  amount  of  bird  bones  saved  from 
the  Gunther  island  mound  would  be  ten  times  as  great  per  cubic  foot 
as  at  Castro. 


Floors  and  Fireplaces 

Besides  the  layers  of  stratification  already  described,  one  or  two 
other  features  in  the  composition  of  the  mound  were  noted.  At  the 
southwest  end  of  the  trench,  at  a depth  of  2 y2  feet,  there  was  a hard 
packed  floor  having  a length  of  at  least  fourteen  feet.  It  was  made 
of  sandy  clay,  three  to  five  inches  thick,  which  had  been  burnt  to 
such  a degree  of  hardness  that  a pick  was  required  to  break  it  up. 

At  a depth  of  two  feet,  just  beneath  human  remains  nos.  2 and  3, 
was  a small  floor  of  baked  clay  two  feet  in  diameter  and  from  3i/o 
to  4%  inches  in  thickness.  It  was  really  a double  floor,  for  it  had 
been  made  at  different  times.  First,  about  two  inches  of  clay  having 
a saucer-like  depression  in  the  top  had  been  baked  to  a good  degree 
of  hardness  and  used  as  a fireplace  until  the  surface  had  been  covered 
with  a film  of  charcoal.  Then  another  two  inch  thickness  of  clay  was 
put  on  top  of  the  previous  floor  and  used  as  a fireplace  until  it,  too, 
had  acquired  a smooth  film  of  charcoal  on  its  surface. 

No  other  sign  of  either  floor  or  fireplace  was  noted  anywhere  in 
the  trench.  There  were  neither  streaks  of  ashes  nor  heaps  of  burnt 
stones  such  as  indicate  the  frequent  fireplaces  in  the  mounds  about 
San  Francisco  bay.  Such  pebbles  and  stones  as  occurred  were  scat- 
tered about  singly,  and  will  be  mentioned  more  particularly  in  the 
pages  to  follow  under  the  heading  Chert  Refuse,  Cooking  Stones,  etc. 

260  E.  W.  Gifford,  op.  cit.,  table  2,  gives  Castro  mound  as  64%  inorganic 
matter,  while  seven  other  large  and  more  typical  mounds  at  San  Francisco  bay 
average  but  22%  inorganic  matter. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  347 


AGE  OF  THE  MOUND 

It  is  perhaps  too  generally  considered  proper  for  the  archaeologist 
to  discover  stratification  in  every  archaeological  site,  and  then  to  make 
all  that  is  possible  out  of  such  stratification,  counting  each  distinct 
layer  as  a distinct  age  in  the  life  and  development  of  the  former 
inhabitants.  The  writer  has  excavated  in  half  a dozen  mounds  about 
San  Francisco  bay  and  has  not  encountered  any  stratification  there 
except  at  Glen  Cove,  near  Yallejo,  where  layers  of  calcined  shells 
alternate  with  uncalcined.  Uhle  has  also  described  similar  conditions 
at  Emeryville.261  In  these  mounds  the  stratification  is  mainly  due  to 
the  agency  of  fire  and  probably  results  from  the  practice  of  cremation 
of  the  dead.  In  all  other  mounds  of  that  region,  excavated  either  by 
the  writer  or  by  previous  University  investigators,  some  suggestions 
but  no  very  definite  evidences  of  cremation  have  been  found.  At 
Humboldt  bay  there  is  no  calcined  shell  except  in  rather  negligible 
quantities,  and  the  various  layers  differ  only  in  being  composed  of 
varying  proportions  of  shell  and  sand,  while  the  sand  takes  on  differ- 
ent shades  according  to  the  amount  of  finely  pulverized  charcoal  in  it. 

In  the  mounds  mentioned  on  the  shores  of  San  Francisco  bay  the 
stratification  is  considered  to  be  of  no  age  significance.  Neither  is  it 
at  Humboldt  bay  except  in  the  case  of  layer  I,  which  was  the  only 
layer  extending  the  entire  length  of  the  trench.  Of  all  the  layers  it 
had  the  most  sharply  defined  limits.  It  is  believed  that  this  layer 
represents  an  age  culturally  distinct  in  at  least  one  respect  from  the 
age  preceding— the  Indians  of  the  more  recent  age  burying  their  dead 
while  the  more  ancient  Indians  practiced  cremation. 

Although  no  special  significance  can  be  attached  to  any  of  the  other 
layers  which  have  been  described,  yet  it  appears  to  the  writer  that 
three  periods  of  development  should  be  recognized : first,  a camping 
period;  second,  a period  of  permanent  residence  when  the  dead  were 
disposed  of  by  cremation;  and  third,  the  period  when  the  dead  were 
buried.  Though  we  thus  indicate  three  periods,  there  appears  to  be 
no  evidence  of  any  change  in  material  culture  as  revealed  by  the 
artifacts. 

Before  any  mound  existed  at  site  67,  and  when  there  was  nothing 
but  a marsh  at  that  place,  the  Indians  about  the  bay  doubtless  made 
use  of  the  extensive  tide  flats  to  the  northeast  of  Gunther  island  for 
gathering  clams.  Instead  of  taking  the  clams  to  their  permanent 

26i  Uhle  also  mentions  a similar  layer  of  calcined  shell  in  a mound  in  west 
Berkeley  and  in  another  at  Sausalito.  Max  Uhle,  present  series,  vn,  8,  19,  22, 
1907. 


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village,  say  at  site  68,  23,  61,  or  elsewhere,  it  would  be  more  con- 
venient to  roast  them  on  the  marsh  at  site  67.  In  order  that  their 
camping  place  might  not  be  disturbed  by  high  tides,  especially  the 
larger  high  tides  occurring  near  the  time  of  new  moon  or  full  moon, 
the  Indians  seem  to  have  brought  to  the  site  large  quantities  of  sand. 
This  supposition,  that  the  mound  was  begun  simply  as  a camp  for 
clam  roasting,  is  in  accord  with  the  practice  of  the  modern  Indians, 
who  used  site  14  near  the  harbor  entrance  for  just  such  a purpose. 

After  the  mound  had  grown  to  a sufficient  height,  permanent 
houses  were  built,  only  to  be  destroyed  occasionally  by  storms  at  times 
of  exceptionally  high  tide.  There  may  well  be  some  foundation  to 
the  tradition  that  “ there  was  a flood  three  times  that  drowned  all 
the  people”  (see  page  282).  Even  if  there  had  been  no  tradition  of 
a previous  flood  to  act  as  an  incentive  to  the  continual  bringing 
on  of  more  sand  along  with  the  clams,  the  annual  demonstrations  of 
what  storms  could  do  in  tearing  away  the  sides  of  the  mound  would 
be  sufficient.  The  result  was  that  the  Indians  continued  to  bring  on 
large  quantities  of  sand  even  after  any  real  necessity  ceased  to  exist, 
although  the  proportions  of  sand  in  the  upper  five  feet  of  the  mound 
appear  to  be  somewhat  smaller  than  below  that  depth. 

Another  theory  accounting  for  the  rapid  accumulation  of  sand  is 
that  the  sand  was  needed  in  playing  games,  especially  gambling  games 
with  clay  balls.  The  remarkable  uniformity  in  size  of  a certain  type 
of  clay  ball  found  to  be  very  numerous  at  depths  varying  from  1 to 
5 y2  feet  would  furnish  some  basis  for  a belief  that  strata  of  these 
depths  were  all  laid  down  within  one  generation,  otherwise  there 
would  be  a greater  variation. 

The  objection  may  be  raised  that  it  is  contrary  to  the  general 
characteristics  of  Indians  outside  of  the  southeastern  and  central  por- 
tions of  the  United  States  to  deliberately  construct  mounds.262  To 
this  the  writer  would  agree,  yet  we  have  the  fact  that  the  mound  as 
a whole  is  composed  of  over  80%  of  sand  and  certain  streaks  as  high 
as  99%.  Every  particle  of  this  sand  was  brought  to  the  mound  by 
the  agency  of  man.  In  proof  of  this  it  can  be  said  that  the  mound 

262  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Works,  iv,  736-41,  1883,  mentions  the  findings  and  specu- 
lations of  an  enthusiastic,  though  inexperienced,  local  investigator  in  Vancouver 
island  and  British  Columbia.  This  investigator  found  shellmounds  fourteen  feet 
deep  covering  three  acres;  burial  mounds  of  sand,  gravel,  or  stones  containing 
skeletons  or  partially  cremated  remains  with  suggestions  of  human  sacrifice  at  the 
death  of  important  personages;  mounds  ‘‘built  of  sea  sand  and  black  mould 
mixed  with  some  shells”;  mounds  fifty  feet  high;  and  earth -works  surrounded 
by  ditches  similar  to  those  of  eastern  states.  Obviously  additional  investigation 
will  be  required  before  all  of  these  assertions  can  be  fully  accepted. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  349 


is  situated  on  an  island  separated  from  the  mainland  by  deep  chan- 
nels ; the  whole  island  has  been  a marsh  covered  with  vegetation  for 
thousands  of  years  as  evidenced  by  peaty  streaks  to  a depth  of  two 
feet ; and  an  examination  of  the  mound  itself  shows  that  there  is  not 
a single  six-inch  thickness,  possibly  not  even  a three-inch  thickness, 
of  stratification  that  does  not  contain  artifacts,  cooking  stones,  peb- 
bles, stone  refuse,  charcoal,  fish  bones,  bird  bones,  or  shell.  A glance 
at  table  3 shows  that  a 1216  gram  sample  of  99%  pure  sand  contains 
an  appreciable  percentage  of  things  that  one  would  not  naturally 
' expect  to  find  in  sand  deposited  by  natural  agencies.  On  the  North 
Spit  there  are  mounds  with  alternate  streaks  of  shell  and  sand.  These 
unquestionably  indicate  a period  of  human  occupation  followed  by  a 
period  of  natural  deposition.  On  the  contrary,  as  regards  site  67  the 
writer  wishes  to  say  that  though  he  considers  it,  sand  and  all,  as  a 
deposition  by  human  agency,  he  also  considers  it  as  a gradual  accumu- 
lation extending  over  centuries. 

Paul  Schumacher,263  in  excavating  a mound  at  Hustenate,  ten 
miles  south  of  Pistol  river,  which  is  one  hundred  miles  north  of  Hum- 
boldt bay,  found  conditions  as  described  below: 

Decayed  shells  and  bones,  mixed  with  sand  brought  up  from  the  beach,  a mass 
of  vegetable  mould  and  rubbish,  and  all  sizes  of  beach-stone,  constitute  the  com- 
post of  the  surface-layer  to  a depth  of  two  to  five  feet,  below  which  dark  humus 
is  found,  over  a soft  slaty  formation  of  a grayish  color,  which  is  coal-bearing. 
The  house-sites  are,  as  usual,  irregularly  located  over  a space  of  a hundred  yards 
in  length  and  something  less  in  width.  Considering  the  condition  of  the  ground 
upon  which  we  find  the  aboriginal  settlements  on  the  Oregon  coast  visited  by  our 
expedition,  the  opinion  I have  expressed  in  my  previous  report  of  such  settle- 
ments on  the  southern  coast  of  California  holds  good  for  this  locality  also:  that 
all  such  stations  had  been  established  either  on  sandy  ground,  or  that  the  nature 
of  the  ground  had  been  artificially  changed  by  layers  of  sand  carried  thither  when 
it  was  rocky  or  hard.  Sandy  soil  was  necessary . . . for  the  erection  of  houses, 
which  were  partially  dug  in  the  ground,  and  surrounded  by  embankments.  It 
was  also  a requirement  for  cleanliness,  and  healthful  through  its  absorption  of 
moisture  in  rainy  seasons. 

To  express  an  opinion  as  to  the  age  of  the  monnd,  with  no  more 
excavation  than  has  been  done,  can  hardly  be  anything  bnt  premature. 
Excavation  was  made  only  in  one  side  of  the  monnd  at  a consider- 
able distance  from  the  center.  The  deepest  point  reached  was  only 
8%  feet,  while  the  depth  of  the  mound  in  the  center  is  at  least  14  feet, 
even  if  it  does  not  go  below  the  present  level  of  the  marsh.  Other 

263  paui  Schumacher,  Researches  in  the  Kjokkenmoddings  and  Graves  of  a 
Former  Population  of  the  Coast  of  Oregon,  Bull.  U.  S.  Geol.  Geog.  Surv.  Terr. 
(F.  V.  Hayden,  geologist  in  charge),  hi,  27-35,  1877. 


350 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


mounds  of  the  vicinity,  about  as  large  if  not  larger  than  this  mound, 
have  not  been  touched  at  all.  Yet  any  kind  of  an  opinion  may  be 
better  than  none  at  all.  At  least  it  may  satisfy  for  the  time  being, 
until  farther  excavations  can  be  made. 

All  the  artifacts  found  in  layer  I,  also  those  with  human  remains 
no.  7,  may  be  very  recent,  but  all  others  are  doubtless  several  hundred 
years  old  even  though  some  of  them  come  from  a depth  of  less  than 
a foot.  The  reason  for  this  opinion  is  that  in  1860  the  whole  mound 
was  covered  with  bushes  except  at  one  side  where  the  modern  village 
was  located.  There  was  also  a pine  tree  two  feet  in  diameter  near 
the  center  of  the  mound.  This  would  indicate  that  the  central  portion 
of  the  mound  had  undergone  little,  if  any,  change  and  perhaps  been 
uninhabited  for  several  hundred  years.  The  burials  at  one  end  of 
the  trench  may  be  of  people  from  the  modern  village,  since  they  are 
sufficiently  distant  from  the  village  and  yet  not  far  from  the  beach 
running  around  the  mound. 

The  whole  mound  might  possibly  have  been  raised  within  1500 
years.  If  it  were  very  much  older,  one  would  expect  it  to  have  been 
covered  with  timber  instead  of  bearing  one  lone  pine.  Site  68,  less 
than  a mile  distant,  was  covered  with  spruce  and  is  a place  around 
which  have  gathered  several  myths.  This  suggests  that  it  is  an  older 
mound.  Even  before  it  had  attained  half  of  its  present  size,  being 
on  the  center  of  the  island,  it  would  not  be  subject  to  so  much  devasta- 
tion by  high  tide  storms  as  site  67.  There  can  thus  really  be  but  little 
question  that  site  68  is  older  than  site  67,  but  it  is  itself  situated  on  a 
marsh  and  must  also  have  been  a camping  place  for  a longer  or  shorter 
period  of  time  before  it  could  have  been  a place  of  permanent  resi- 
dence. For  this  reason  we  should  expect  the  oldest  mounds  of  the 
region  to  be  upon  the  mainland,  say  at  sites  61  or  23. 

HUMAN  BEMAINS 

The  remains  of  twenty-two  individuals  were  found.  Six  of  these 
were  burials.  The  others  lay  in  beds  of  charcoal  where  they  had  been 
cremated.  Plate  12,  figure  2,  shows  such  of  the  charcoal  beds  as  were 
cut  by  the  vertical  plane  forming  the  southeast  wall  of  the  trench. 
The  depth  of  other  charcoal  beds  which  were  not  cut  by  this  vertical 
plane  are  indicated  by  crosses  with  arabic  numerals  which  are  the  field 
numbers  given  to  the  human  remains. 

Table  5 shows  the  depth  at  which  each  of  the  human  remains  was 
found ; whether  buried  or  burned ; whether  of  infant,  child,  or  adult ; 
and  the  number  of  artifacts  with  each.  As  some  of  the  bodies  were 


1918]  Loud:  Etlmogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  351 

more  completely  incinerated  than  others,  the  weight  of  the  uncon- 
sumed fragments  is  also  given.  In  two  cases  there  was  complete  incin- 
eration, but  the  presence  of  artifacts  indicated  that  a body  had  been 
cremated.  There  were  several  charcoal  beds  without  either  human 
bone  fragments  or  artifacts.  Some  of  these  may  have  been  places 
where  the  dead  were  cremated,  but  no  account  was  taken  of  them 
unless  they  showed  positive  indications  in  this  direction. 

Burial 

The  buried  remains  of  four  adults  and  two  infants  were  found 
at  the  northeast  end  of  the  trench  and  are,  it  is  presumed,  compara- 
tively recent,  although  prehistoric.  They  were  buried  near  the  beach 
rather  than  toward  the  center  of  the  mound,  where  there  were  more 
bushes.  There  is  perhaps  no  part  of  California  that  did  not  practice 
cremation  at  some  period,264  but  in  many  areas,  whenever  they  did 
bury,  the  position  of  the  dead  was  usually  in  a more  or  less  bent 
position,  frequently  with  the  knees  drawn  up  to  within  six  inches 
or  so  of  the  chin.  The  modern  Indians  about  Humboldt  bay  seem  to 
have  always  buried  their  dead  in  a straight  position,  and  the  very 
earliest  pioneers  report  seeing  a great  many  graves  marked  by  head- 
boards  and  footboards.  Robert  Gunther  described  in  somewhat  the 
following  language  the  manner  of  burial  at  the  modern  village  on 
site  67. 

Six  months  after  the  massacre  of  February  26,  1860,  an  ox  broke  through  into 
one  of  the  graves,  and  afforded  an  opportunity  for  examination.  The  Indians 
had  chosen  what  was  already  a low  spot  and  had  scooped  it  out  so  as  to  make  the 
bottom  of  the  grave  about  four  feet  deep.  They  had  put  redwood  planks  on  the 
bottom  and  sides,  then  laid  in  old  rags,  on  which  seven  of  the  dead  were  placed 
side  by  side  together  with  their  belongings.  The  grave  was  covered  with  other 
planks  on  top  of  which  dirt  was  placed. 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  usual  manner  of  burial  at  Humboldt 
bay265  previous  to  the  coming  of  the  whites,  the  chief  peculiarities  in 
the  present  instance  being  the  lack  of  headboards  and  the  unusual 
size  of  the  grave  made  necessary  by  the  large  number  of  dead. 

264  There  is  no  record  of  the  Eskimo  or  the  Indians  of  the  Columbia  river  and 
its  tributaries  ever  burning  their  dead,  but  it  would  appear  that  most  other  tribes 
of  the  Pacific  coast  have  at  times  cremated.  For  cremation  among  the  following 
see  Bancroft’s  Works:  Kenai,  i,  134;  Copper  river,  i,  135;  Mackenzie  river,  i, 
132;  Nehannes,  Tacullies,  Chimmesyans,  and  Carriers,  i,  125;  Nootka,  I,  205; 
Vancouver  island,  iv,  738-39;  Coos  bay,  i,  248. 

265  Stephen  Powers  (op.  cit.,  p.  99)  was  told  by  a pioneer  that  he  had  seen  hun- 
dreds of  graves  at  some  burial  grounds,  each  marked  with  a redwood  slab,  which, 
being  a very  durable  wood,  made  it  probable  that  some  of  the  graves  were  seventy- 
five  or  a hundred  years  old.  These  statements  agree  with  the  findings  of  the 
writer  after  making  due  allowance  for  exaggeration. 


352 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Paul  Schumacher,  while  investigating  for  the  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution the  shellmounds  of  the  southern  Oregon  coast,  found  a variety 
of  ways  for  the  disposal  of  the  dead  even  within  the  historic  period 
— the  period  in  which  glass  beads  and  objects  of  metal  were  used.  In 
some  instances  he  found  conditions  approaching  those  of  cremation. 
Possibly  a reexamination  of  the  Oregon  coast  shellmounds  might  show 
that  some  of  the  human  bones  were  slightly  calcined,  indicating  that 
fire  was  used  to  consume  the  flesh  even  though  it  was  extinguished 
before  it  greatly  affected  the  bones.  At  Hustenate,  ninety  miles  north 
of  Humboldt  bay,  Schumacher266  found  cases  of  burial  as  described 
below : 

On  digging,  the  graves  were  found  to  be  very  shallow,  the  skeletons  being 
interred  but  one  and  a half  to  two  feet  below  the  surface.  The  sides  of  the 
excavation  were  lined  with  split  redwood  boards,  about  four  feet  in  length  and 
a foot  in  width,  placed  edgewise,  and  reaching  to  the  floor  of  the  grave,  which 
was  covered  with  beach-sand  to  the  thickness  of  about  one  inch;  the  width  was 
not  over  two  feet,  and  both  ends  of  the  excavation  were  open,  that  is  to  say 
without  lining.  The  corpses  were  found  doubled  up  in  the  usual  manner.  . . . 
Immediately  above  the  body  was  placed  a board  resting  on  the  lining,  to  which 
it  was  secured  by  cobble  stones  of  various  sizes,  some  weighing  as  much  as  fifty 
pounds.  The  graves  were  then  filled  up  with  earth. . . . With  babies  ’ skeletons,  and 
a young  woman ’s  corpse,  we  found  some  much  decayed  money-shells. ...  A few 
glass  beads  were  also  found  with  skeletons  of  grown  females. 

Although  the  main  facts  regarding  each  of  the  burials  at  Gunther 
island  are  shown  on  table  5,  a few  additional  notes  seem  worth  while. 

No.  8.  Complete  skeleton  of  a person  of  middle  age  or  older.  Eight  of  the 
teeth  had  been  lost  during  life  and  there  were  six  ulceration  cavities267  in  the 
jaws.  The  bones  were  not  very  large,  indicating  that  the  skeleton  was  probably 
that  of  a woman.  The  skeleton  lay  supine,  stretched  out  to  a length  of  4 feet  10% 
inches. 

No.  5.  A large  sized  tibia  and  the  bones  of  the  feet. 

No.  6.  Skeleton  of  an  adult,  probably  of  a man,  as  the  bones  are  very  stout 
and  the  skull  has  a strong  supra-orbital  ridge.  The  skeleton  was  within  a foot 
of  the  surface  and  in  consequence  the  ribs  and  both  jaws  were  missing.  Complete 

266  Paul  Schumacher,  op.  cit.,  p.  34. 

267  The  great  number  of  ulceration  cavities  in  the  two  complete  skulls  found 
in  this  mound  is  without  parallel  in  the  skulls  from  any  other  region  known  to 
the  writer.  Because  of  this  fact  the  query  is  raised  as  to  whether  mouth  diseases 
were  not  unusually  prevalent  at  Humboldt  bay,  in  addition  to  the  scrofulous 
complaints  previously  mentioned.  See  page  301.  Another  complete  skull  from 
Gunther  island,  probably  from  site  68,  illustrated  and  described  by  Ales  Hralicka, 
present  series,  iv,  49-64,  1906,  also  has  apparently  four  ulceration  cavities  and 
possibly  six.  In  connection  with  Dr.  Hrdlicka’s  paper  and  the  confusion  between 
two  skulls  referred  to  in  the  footnote  on  page  52,  it  might  be  said  that  skull 
no.  12-81  described  as  being  from  “Sandspit,  Humboldt  Bay,  ” is  undoubtedly 
identified  correctly.  Human  bones  exposed  at  site  14  are  in  a very  short  time 
bleached  and  scoured  by  drifting  sands  until  they  have  exactly  the  appearance 
presented  by  the  skull  in  question. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno, geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  353 

field  notes  and  sketches  showing  the  exact  position  of  this  skeleton  are  lacking. 
On  the  diagram,  plate  12,  figure  3,  the  position  of  the  head  is  correctly  given,  but 
for  the  direction  of  the  feet  a somewhat  hazy  memory  is  relied  upon.  However 
it  can  be  asserted  that  the  body  was  buried  supine,  stretched  at  full  length. 

No.  7.  Complete  skeleton  of  a person  of  middle  age  or  older,  as  five  teeth 
had  been  lost  during  life  and  half  a dozen  ulceration  cavities  filled  the  jaws.  The 
bones  were  not  extra  large.  The  skeleton  was  found  in  a supine  position  stretched 
out  to  a length  of '4%  feet.  It  was  a little  over  two  feet  below  the  bottom  of 
layer  I.  As  graves  were  usually  dug  to  a depth  of  about  2 y2  feet,  it  is  considered 
that  this  skeleton  is  merely  an  intrusion  into  the  older  strata  of  the  mound.  This 
is  the  only  case  of  a burial  with  which  there  were  any  artifacts.  Over  each 
* clavicle,  there  was  a rectangular  piece  of  abalone  (pi.  21,  fig.  10),  both  of  almost 
exactly  the  same  size,  1%  by  4 inches.  On  the  breast  was  a red  obsidian  knife 
(pi.  13,  fig.  6). 

No.  21.  Femur  of  a baby  a few  months  old. 

No.  22.  Tibia  and  frontal  of  an  infant  just  born. 

Cremation 

How  long  it  has  been  since  the  Indians  at  Humboldt  bay  changed 
from  the  practice  of  cremation  to  that  of  burial,  has  not  been 
determined,  nor  the  reason  for  such  a change.  The  Spaniards  who 
discovered  Trinidad  bay  in  1775  said  of  the  Indians  there  that  “they 
observed  some  strange  ceremony,  for  when  a certain  Indian  died, 
they  cried  out  for  him,  burning  him  in  the  palace  of  the  captain,  into 
which  they  permitted  none  of  our  men  to  go  during  the  ceremony, 
but  having  succeeded  in  doing  this,  those  who  got  in  found  nothing 
in  particular.  ’ 5268  Palace,  as  translated  from  the  word  casa , is  doubt- 
less the  sweat-house,  where  ceremonies  of  various  kinds  were  observed. 
The  Spaniards  may  have  been  mistaken  about  the  body  being  cre- 
mated. People  living  at  Eureka  at  the  time  of  the  massacre  in  1860 
and  seeing  fires  on  Gunther  island  and  at  Bucksport,  mistakenly 
reported  to  newspapers269  that  the  dead  were  cremated.  In  the  same 
way  the  Spaniards  seeing  smoke  issuing  from  the  sweat-house,  and 
hearing  all  the  sounds  of  mourning,  might  have  taken  for  granted 
that  the  dead  were  being  cremated.  Powers270  stated  that  the  Yurok 
buried  their  dead  in  a recumbent  posture,  but  kept  a fire  burning 
several  nights  in  the  vicinity  of  the  grave. 

As  for  other  peoples  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  Wiyot,  Powers 
stated  that  the  Mattole271  cremated,  and  was  informed  that  the  Whil- 

268  1)011  Antonio  Maurelle,  op.  cit.  (footnote  27),  Madrid  edition,  1865. 

269  San  Francisco  Bulletin,  Mar.  2,  13,  1860;  Northern  Californian,  Feb.  29, 
1860. 

270  Stephen  Powers,  op.  cit.,  p.  58. 

271  Ibid.,  p.  110. 


354  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

kut272  cremated  also  but  believed  that  their  custom  was  somewhat 
varied.  A Whilkut  burial  custom  has  already  been  described  on 
page  254. 

The  manner  of  cremation  at  Humboldt  bay  seems  to  have  differed 
in  some  respects  from  that  at  San  Francisco  bay  and  other  parts  of 
the  state.  It  is  hoped  that  the  special  points  of  difference  may  be 
described  in  some  future  paper.  The  cremated  remains  at  Humboldt 
bay  were  found  as  a rule  in  saucer  shaped  beds  of  finely  pulverized 
charcoal  having  a diameter  of  four  or  five  feet  and  generally  a thick- 
ness of  four  or  five  inches  though  sometimes  as  much  as  ten  inches. 
A few  lumps  of  charcoal,  which  seemed  in  every  case  to  be  of  redwood, 
were  two  to  four  inches  in  length.  It  would  appear  that  the  dead 
were  burned  on  a platform  above  a round  hole  which  had  been  scooped 
out  for  a grave  and  into  which  the  charcoal,  unconsumed  bones,  and 
artifacts  fell.  In  general,  nearly  all  of  the  bone  fragments  are  over 
an  inch  in  length.  Skull  fragments  are  two  to  four  inches  square. 
Vertebrae  are  often  nearly  whole  except  for  their  projections.  Sec- 
tions of  femurs,  especially  the  proximal  ends,  are  found  four  to  six 
inches  in  length.  These  bone  fragments  are  generally  calcined  only 
on  one  side  and  are  found  in  one  linear  series  extending  for  a length 
of  about  three  feet,  the  bones  below  the  knee  usually  being  wholly 
consumed. 

In  the  case  of  remains  nos.  16  and  17  the  beds  of  charcoal  were 
not  circular  but  rectangular,  two  feet  wide  by  five  feet  long.  This 
means  that  rectangular  graves  were  dug,  above  which  the  dead  were 
burned.  These  two  beds  of  charcoal  were  the  only  ones  where  there 
were  human  bones  without  artifacts  in  association.  An  examination 
of  table  5 and  plate  12  will  show  that  4 y2  feet  is  the  greatest  depth 
at  which  circular  charcoal  beds  were  found.  Of  the  two  rectangular 
beds,  one  was  three  inches  higher  than  this  level,  the  other  a foot 
lower.  Hence  it  is  possible  that  remains  nos.  16  and  17  represent  an 
earlier  period  of  time  when  cremation  was  practiced  but  the  custom 
differed  somewhat  from  that  of  a later  time.  The  absence  of  artifacts 
in  the  rectangular  charcoal  beds  and  scarcity  of  artifacts  below  the 
4 y2  foot  level  makes  it  impossible  to  say  whether  or  not  the  earlier 
period  was  culturally  distinct  in  other  respects. 

Paul  Schumacher,  while  excavating  in  a mound  near  the  mouth 
of  Pistol  river  one  hundred  miles  north  of  Humboldt  bay,  describes 
the  disposal  of  the  dead  as  follows:273 


272  Ibid.,  p.  88. 

273  Paul  Schumacher,  op.  cit.,  p.  32. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  355 


Doubled  up,  the  skeletons  were  resting  near  the  wall  of  the  excavation  [wall 
of  the  house-pit],  and  faced  the  fire-place. ...  In  one  instance,  two  skeletons  were 
found  buried  in  one  house  . . . the  earth  covering  the  skeletons  was  strongly  mixed 
with  charcoal,  pieces  of  charred  wood,  fragments  of  animal  bones,  and  shells 
blackened  and  partially  consumed  by  fire.  On  the  floor  on  which  the  skeletons 
rested  was  found  a layer  of  ashes  several  inches  in  thickness.  But  the  fire  had 
not  affected  the  skeletons,  as  in  no  instance  was  any  such  damage  observed,  and 
even  the  remains  of  matting,  furs,  and  other  similar  perishable  material  were  not 
injured  by  it.  It  seems,  therefore,  evident  that  the  hut  was  demolished  by  fire, 
after  the  owner  had  expired,  and  was  buried  in  the  ruins,  covered  with  rubbish 
and  earth  surrounding  his  house.  Except  some  glass  beads  found  with  a female 
skull  and  three  roughly  cast  copper  buttons  with  that  of  a male,  nothing  was 
unearthed  that  had  apparently  been  deposited  with  the  dead. 

In  addition  to  the  main  facts  given  in  table  5,  the  following  notes 
regarding  each  of  the  cremated  human  remains  are  presented.  The 
order  of  arrangement  is  the  order  in  which  the  remains  were  located 
in  the  trench  from  the  northeast  to  the  southwest  end. 

No.  4.  About  half  of  the  bone  fragments  were  not  calcined.  The  heads  of 
the  femurs  were  in  their  sockets  in  the  pelvis.  Many  of  the  vertebrae  were  in  line. 
A scapula  was  found,  but  not  a single  fragment  of  the  skull.  A fine  black 
obsidian  knife,  13%  inches  in  length,  broken  into  eight  pieces,  was  at  the  left 
side.  Arrow  points  and  other  artifacts  were  near  the  pelvic  bones. 

No.  3.  The  charcoal  bed  with  these  remains,  overlapped  charcoal  beds  nos.  4 
and  2,  but  there  was  no  difficulty  in  keeping  the  artifacts  and  bone  fragments 
from  these  beds  apart.  The  remains  consist  of  the  proximal  ends  of  the  femurs, 
pelvic  bones,  a number  of  vertebrae,  and  one  tooth  but  no  sign  of  any  fragment 
of  the  skull.  Near  the  pelvis  was  a large  pestle  and  eleven  sinkers. 

No.  2.  Eight  or  ten  vertebrae,  a few  small  limb  fragments,  and  one  tooth 
belonging  to  a child,  found  with  a remarkable  assemblage  of  artifacts  consisting 
of  a stone  pipe  over  nine  inches  long,  fourteen  arrow  points,  a girdled  stone,  and 
a black  obsidian  knife  10%  inches  long.  This  child  was  sent  on  his  way  certainly 
well  equipped.  Such  articles  are  not  often  found  with  the  remains  of  children, 
but  are  usually  considered  as  the  possession  of  a shaman  or  man  of  wealth. 

Lying  partly  beneath  remains  no.  2 and  partly  beneath  no.  3 was  an  unusual 
bed  of  baked  clay  which  has  been  described  on  page  346.  It  did  not  necessarily 
have  any  relationship  to  the  human  remains. 

No.  1.  Fragments  of  skull,  humerus,  ulna,  femurs,  etc.,  only  partially  calcined, 
along  with  a stone  adze  handle,  two  white  flint  ceremonial  blades,  and  other 
artifacts.  The  charcoal  bed  containing  these  articles  is  not  cut  by  the  vertical 
plane  shown  in  plate  12,  figure  2,  but  two  other  charcoal  beds  close  by  at  some- 
what greater  depths  are  cut  by  the  vertical  plane  and  are  shown  on  the  diagram. 
The  two  latter  beds  showed  no  signs  of  human  remains. 

No.  12:  The  bones,  but  partially  calcined,  indicated  an  adult  of  large  size. 

There  were  half  a dozen  bone  fragments  of  an  elk  in  the  same  charcoal  bed.  With 
the  possible  exception  of  remains  no.  8,  near  which  were  some  elk  bones,  this  was 
the  only  indication  that  food  was  offered  to  the  dead,  and  even  in  these  cases 
the  evidence  was  not  positive.  The  artifacts,  ceremonial  blades,  and  clay  balls 
found  with  no.  12,  indicate  a man  of  wealth. 

No.  14.  A few  fragments  of  a femur,  vertebrae,  and  skull.  The  artifacts 
found  with  these  remains  make  a total  of  112  objects,  or  nearly  as  many  as  were 


356  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


found  with,  all  the  other  human  remains  combined.  Among  the  most  notable 
objects  were  a great  many  clay  balls  of  almost  uniform  size,  and  a ceremonial 
war-club  or  1 1 slave-killer.  ’ ; No  artifacts  were  found  elsewhere  at  a greater  depth 
in  association  with  human  remains.  The  charcoal  bed  had  a thickness  of  ten 
inches. 

No.  15.  In  this  case  there  was  a bed  of  charcoal  slightly  overlapping  remains 
no.  14.  There  was  not  a single  trace  of  any  human  bone,  but  there  were  four 
artifacts. 

No.  16.  Fragments  of  a femur  6%  inches  in  length,  besides  a few  small 
fragments  of  the  skull,  pelvic  bones,  etc.,  scarcely  at  all  calcined,  found  in  a 
rectangular  bed  of  charcoal  containing  no  artifacts. 

No.  10.  A fairly  large  adult,  as  judged  by  a seven-inch  fragment  of  a femur. 
The  remainder  of  the  bones  were  broken  into  somewhat  smaller  fragments  which 
were  scarcely  at  all  calcined.  There  were  no  artifacts  in  immediate  association 
with  the  bones  for  there  were  two  charcoal  beds,  one  directly  above  the  other, 
separated  by  three  or  four  inches  of  sand.  In  the  lower  bed  of  charcoal  there 
were  no  human  bones  but  a great  many  olive  shell  beads  and  a couple  of  other 
objects. 

No.  18.  Partially  calcined,  eight-inch  fragment  of  the  femur  of  a young 
person,  along  with  an  obsidian  knife,  a clay  ball,  and  a pair  of  abalone  pendants. 

No.  9.  A few  bone  fragments,  including  a piece  of  a fairly  large  femur.  In 
a limited  area  around  the  pelvic  bones  were  found  several  beautiful  obsidian 
blades,  dentalium  shells,  olive  shell  beads,  carbonized  pine  nut  beads,  Viburnum- 
seed  beads,  and  other  things.  A little  to  one  side  were  a heap  of  carbonized 
basketry,  slag,  a knife,  and  so  forth. 

No.  19.  After  the  trench  had  been  dug  as  deep  as  time  allowed,  the  perpen- 
dicular walls  were  undermined  and,  at  a distance  of  about  three  feet  from  the 
pelvis  of  remains  no.  9,  the  pelvic  bones  of  another  individual  were  found,  along 
with  a nine-inch  piece  of  a medium  sized  femur,  many  skull  fragments,  vertebrae, 
etc.,  in  fact,  a large  part  of  a skeleton  but  partially  calcined.  Some  of  the  finest 
artifacts  of  the  whole  excavation  were  found  with  these  remains.  These  artifacts 
include  a beautifully  shaped  “ slave-killer/ ’ several  obsidian  ceremonial  blades 
(one  of  which,  a red  one,  is  estimated  to  have  had  an  original  length  of  nearly 
sixteen  inches),  a steatite  pipe,  a clay  pipe,  two  pestles,  two  mauls,  dentalium 
shell,  olive  shell  beads,  carbonized  pine  nut  beads,  carbonized  Viburnum- seed 
beads,  and  so  on.  The  objects  with  remains  nos.  9 and  19,  though  separated  from 
each  other  enough  to  prevent  much  chance  of  mixing,  were  surrounded  by  a single 
charcoal  bed  over  seven  feet  in  diameter. 

No.  11.  The  human  remains  consisted  of  only  one  tooth  of  a child.  The 
accompanying  artifacts  were  two  shell  ornaments  and  four  carbonized  pine  nut 
beads. 

No.  13.  There  was  here  a complete  incineration  of  a human  skeleton,  leaving 
nothing  but  a half  dozen  artifacts. 

No.  17.  A very  few  fragments  of  limb  bones,  etc.,  nearly  all  calcined,  found 
in  a rectangular  bed  of  charcoal  containing  no  artifacts. 

No.  20.  A very  few  small  calcined  bone  fragments,  presumably  human, 
found  with  two  pestles,  two  mauls,  and  a number  of  bone  artifacts  among  a small 
amount  of  ashes  and  charcoal  upon  a hard  baked  clay  floor  previously  described 
on  page  346. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  357 


MATERIAL  CULTURE 
Chipped  Implements 

A total  of  eighty-eight  chipped  objects  of  obsidian,  chert,  and  other 
stone  were  found  in  association  with  twelve  of  the  human  remains. 
These  can  be  classified  into  a dozen  types  of  implements  as  shown  on 
table  7.  In  addition  to  the  chipped  implements  in  association  with 
human  remains,  there  were  five  specimens  not  in  such  association. 
These  were  a fragment  of  a red  obsidian  blade  found  at  a depth  of 
one  foot,  a fragment  of  a black  obsidian  blade  at  a depth  of  nine 
inches,  two  small  greenish  chert  knives  at  depths  of  six  inches,  and  a 
scraper  at  a depth  of  nine  inches. 

Obsidian  Ceremonial  Blades. — Under  this  heading  will  be  men- 
tioned objects  variously  known  as  ceremonial  blades,  knives,  or  swords, 
chipped  from  black  or  red  obsidian  and  having  a length  of  17  centi- 
meters or  more.  The  use  of  these  on  the  Klamath  river  and  elsewhere 
in  the  White  Deerskin  dance  and  in  the  Woodpecker  or  Jumping  dance 
is  quite  fully  described  by  H.  N.  Rust  and  A.  L.  Kroeber  in  the  Amer- 
ican Anthropologist  for  1905.  As  nothing  was  learned  by  the  writer 
regarding  the  use  of  these  implements  at  Humboldt  bay,  and  as 
nothing  is  known  of  the  dance  ceremonies  practiced  by  the  Wiyot, 
;the  reader  is  referred  to  this  article  for  further  information.274  No 
doubt  the  Wiyot  or  their  predecessors  accounted  these  knives  as 
objects  indicative  of  the  wealth  and  rank  of  their  possessors  much 
like  the  modern  Indians  on  the  Klamath  and  Trinity.  The  detailed 
description  of  six  specimens  made  from  black  obsidian  follows,  a 
typical  example  being  illustrated  on  plate  13,  figure  1. 

Five  specimens  of  black  obsidian  blades  were  found,  which  were  complete  or 
nearly  complete.  The  length  of  these  (after  adding  a little  in  two  cases  for 
broken  tips)  is  272  mm.,  280  mm.,  342  mm.,  347  mm.,  and  410  mm.  They  were 
found  in  association  with  cremated  human  remains  nos.  2,  4,  9,  12,  and  14,  the 
shortest  one  being  at  the  greatest  depth,  4.8  feet,  and  the  longest  one  nearest  the 
surface,  1.3  feet  deep.  The  extreme  variation  in  width  of  the  specimens  is  11  mm., 
the  average  being  53  mm.  All  are  double  pointed  and  the  edges  are  in  general 
nearly  parallel  throughout  most  of  their  length,  but  sometimes  the  blade  is  very 

274  Eor  description  and  illustration  of  similar  knives  from  the  Santa  Barbara 
region,  southern  California,  see  C.  C.  Abbott  in  G.  W.  Wheeler,  Report  on  U.  S. 
Geog.  Surv.  West  of  the  Hundredth  Meridian,  vii,  49-69,  1879.  The  longest  and 
finest  specimen  of  this  type  known  is  illustrated  by  W.  K.  Moorehead  in  Stone 
Age  in  North  America,  1910,  I,  97.  The  legend  written  on  the  specimen  and 
shown  in  the  photographic  reproduction  is  “Somesbar,  Salmon  River,  Siskiyou 
County,  California,  5"  x 30",  101  oz.  ’ ’ A second  specimen,  also  illustrated,  from 
the  same  locality  is  22  inches  long  and  weighs  68  ounces.  The  longest  specimen 
obtained  by  the  present  writer  at  Gunther  island  (pi.  13,  fig.  1),  is  nearly  16 
inches  long  and  weighs  about  13  ounces. 


358 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


slightly  constricted  in  the  center.  The  variation  in  thickness  is  not  great,  the 
average  being  14  mm.  In  addition  to  the  more  complete  specimens  one  small 
fragment  was  found. 

Eight  specimens  of  the  red  obsidian  blade,  or  rather  variegated  red 
and  black,  were  found.  One  of  these  (pi.  13,  fig.  6),  is  of  quite  dif- 
ferent type  from  the  others,  differing  mainly  in  being  narrower  and 
having  more  pointed  ends.  It  is  211  mm.  long,  30  mm.  wide,  and 
from  8 mm.  to  12  mm.  in  thickness.  It  was  found  with  a skeleton, 
no.  7,  at  a depth  of  three  feet.  This  was  the  only  case  in  which 
nncremated  human  remains  had  any  artifacts  in  association  with 
them,  and  a different  custom  of  disposing  of  the  dead  may  account 
for  the  difference  in  the  type  of  artifact. 

Six  other  specimens  of  red  obsidian  blades  belong  to  the  same 
type  as  the  black  ones  previously  mentioned.  Besides  these,  a small 
fragment  scarcely  an  inch  long,  found  with  remains  no.  4,  is  consid- 
ered as  being  unquestionably  of  the  same  type.  Following  is  a de- 
tailed description  of  the  six  larger  specimens.  Plate  13,  figure  2, 
illustrates  one  of  these. 

Three  complete  specimens  having  lengths  of  171  mm.,  190  mm.,  and  282  mm., 
were  found  in  association  with  human  remains  nos.  14,  9,  and  19  at  depths  of 
from  1.3  to  4.8  feet.  One  fragment  160  mm.  long  with  remains  no.  9 is  judged 
to  have  had  an  original  length  of  215  mm.  A second  fragment  305  mm.  long 
with  remains  no.  19  is  judged  to  have  had  an  original  length  of  380  to  400  mm. 
A third  fragment  four  inches  long  was  not  associated  with  any  human  remains. 
The  extreme  variation  in  width  of  these  six  specimens  is  only  12  mm.,  the  average 
width  being  47  mm.  The  average  thickness  is  16  mm. 

The  red  obsidian  blades  like  the  black  ones  are  double  pointed  and  their 
edges  are  nearly  parallel,  except  for  the  largest  specimen  which  has  a very  slight 
constriction  in  the  center,  from  which  fact  we  are  able  to  make  an  estimate  of  its 
original  length  before  being  broken.  None  of  the  specimens,  either  red  or  black, 
show  a constriction  any  more  pronounced  than  in  the  specimens  illustrated  in  the 
article  of  Eust  and  Kroeber  previously  mentioned.  A remarkable  uniformity  is 
seen  in  the  width  of  both  the  red  and  the  black  blades,  but  owing  to  the  difficulties 
of  chipping,  it  would  be  hard  to  maintain  a uniform  thickness  even  though  it  were 
desired.  However,  the  extreme  variation  in  thickness  is  only  7 mm. 

Blades  and  Knives  of  White  Flint. — The  type  of  implement  desig- 
nated as  ceremonial  blades  of  white  flint  is  a species  of  knife  remark- 
able for  its  width  in  proportion  to  its  length.  Complete  specimens  of 
this  type  are  two  or  more  inches  wide  and  four  or  more  inches  long. 
Exactly  what  position  this  white  flint  should  occupy  in  mineralogy 
has  not  been  ascertained,  but  from  the  shape  of  various  specimens 
from  the  Klamath  river  region  it  would  appear  that  it  is  of  such  a 
nature  that  it  is  easily  worked  into  very  broad,  thin  implements.  At 


„1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  359 

the  same  time  the  same,  or  a similar  mineral,  by  a different  method  of 
chipping,  can  be  made  into  drills275  having  a triangular  cross-section. 
The  three  most  complete  specimens  of  blades  made  from  white  flint 
are  illustrated  on  plate  13,  figures  3 and  4,  and  on  plate  14,  figure  1. 
The  description  follows : 

Museum  no.  1-18061  (pi.  13,  fig.  3),  found  in  association  with  human  remains 
no.  1.  Dimensions:  206  mm.  long,  85  mm.  wide,  and  9 mm.  thick  in  the  center. 
Museum  no.  1—18070  (pi.  13,  fig.  4),  found  in  association  with  human  remains 
no.  12.  Dimensions:  125  mm.  long,  55  mm.  wide,  and  7 mm.  thick  in  the  center. 

Museum  no.  1-18217  (pi.  14,  fig.  1),  found  in  association  with  human  remains 
no.  9,  is  an  implement  of  considerably  different  type  from  the  other  two  speci- 
mens, but,  owing  to  its  fragmentary  condition,  we  are  unable  to  determine  its 
original  shape.  It  has  a width  of  50  mm.  and  a thickness  of  10  mm. 

Besides  the  above  described  specimens  there  were  three  other  frag- 
mentary specimens,  apparently  of  the  broad  type,  found  in  associa- 
tion with  human  remains  nos.  1,  13,  and  15.  In  table  7,  seven  speci- 
mens of  white  flint  are  listed  under  the  heading  “knives.”  Most  of 
these  were  poorly  worked  or  quite  fragmentary,  and  apparently  of  no 
great  width. 

Single  Pointed  Knives. — Of  eight  specimens  three  were  of  black 
obsidian,  the  others  of  chert.  Those  best  preserved  are  described  as 
follows : 

Two  obsidian  knives,  Mus.  no.  1-18234  (pi.  13,  fig.  7)  and  no.  1-18235,  were 
in  association  with  human  remains  no.  19.  Both  are  of  nearly  the  same  dimen- 
sions, being  52  mm.  wide,  10  mm.  thick,  and  having  an  original  length  estimated  to 
have  been  140  mm.  before  the  specimens  were  broken.  They  differ  from  the  larger 
ceremonial  blades  in  being  thinner,  in  having  perfectly  straight  bases,  and  when 
looked  at  edgewise  are  seen  to  be  slightly  crooked. 

Museum  no.  1-18212  (pi.  13,  fig.  8),  found  with  human  remains  no.  18,  is 
made  from  obsidian,  is  rounded  at  one  end,  and  very  bluntly  pointed  at  the  other. 
Dimensions:  111  mm.  long,  53  mm.  wide,  and  15  mm.  thick  near  the  pointed  end. 
The  object  has  the  appearance  of  having  been  worked  from  a fragment  broken 
from  a ceremonial  blade.  The  central  portion  of  the  sides  is  tarnished  from 
exposure,  while  the  edges  and  both  ends  show  signs  of  fresh  chipping.  There 
even  seem  to  be  faint  signs  of  a third  retouching.  The  point  seems  too  blunt,  too 
thick,  and  too  coarsely  chipped,  to  serve  any  very  useful  purpose,  but  all  the  other 
edges  are  sharp. 

Museum  no.  1-18216  (pi.  13,  fig.  9),  found  with  human  remains  no.  9,  is  a 
handsome  specimen  of  grayish  and  horn  colored  chert.  It  has  a rounded  base  and 
is  131  mm.  long,  48  mm.  wide,  and  11  mm.  thick. 

Museum  no.  1-18071,  made  of  a variegated  greenish  and  brown  chert,  was 
found  with  human  remains  no.  12.  Dimensions:  113  mm.  long,  35  mm.  wide,  and 
9 mm.  thick. 

275  The  mineral  may  possibly  be  what  is  known  as  argillite  or  porcellanite,  a 
form  of  clay  slate  or  clay  schist.  A Yana  Indian  seeing  a specimen  of  porcel- 
lanite in  a museum  show  case  said  that  it  was  the  material  from  which  drills 
were  made. 


360 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Museum  no.  1-18308  (pi.  13,  fig.  5)  is  a greenish  chert  knife  50  mm.  in  length, 
a small  portion  of  the  base  being  broken  off.  A similar  knife  59  mm.  in  length, 
was  also  found,  both  being  at  a depth  of  only  six  inches. 

Scrapers. — Two  specimens  were  found  which  are  considered  scrap- 
ers, one  made  from  red  obsidian,  and  the  other  from  brown  chert. 
Their  description  is  as  follows : 

One  fragment  of  a red  obsidian  scraper  (Mus.  no.  1-18010)  was  found  in 
association  with  remains  no.  4.  So  large  a portion  has  been  broken  off  that  the 
attempted  restoration  of  its  outline  as  shown  in  text  figure  2 should  not  be  taken 
too  implicitly.  The  object  has  a length  of  57  mm.  and  a thickness  of  9 mm. 

Museum  no.  1-18310  (pi.  15,  fig.  5)  is  a chocolate  colored  chert  scraper  found 
at  a depth  of  nine  inches.  It  has  a length  of  36  mm.  Its  comparatively  great 
thickness,  6 mm.  towards  the  base,  would  indicate  that  it  is  not  an  unfinished 
arrow  point. 


Fig.  2.  Scraper.  No.  1-18010.  One-half  natural  size. 

Spear  Points. — Nothing  was  found  which  could  with  any  certainty 
be  considered  as  a spear  point.  Two  specimens,  figures  8 and  9 of 
plate  14,  are  long  enough  for  spear  points,  but  are  considered  to  be 
drills.  An  obsidian  fragment  45  mm.  long,  found  with  human  remains 
no.  3,  has  a somewhat  closer  resemblance  to  a spear  point. 

Drills. — Eight  objects  were  found  which  are  considered  to  be 
drills.  All  of  them  are  illustrated  on  plate  14.  Five  of  them,  figures 
8 to  12,  are  made  of  a variety  of  white  flint  which  is  a favorite  for 
drill  making  in  various  regions  of  the  west.  One,  figure  14,  is  of 
brown  colored  chert,  and  two,  figures  13  and  15,  are  made  of  black 
obsidian.  Five  of  the  specimens  were  found  in  association  with 
human  remains  no.  14,  the  others  with  remains  nos.  4 and  13.  A more 
detailed  description  of  each  drill  follows : 

Figure  8 (Mus.  no.  1-18261)  is  long  enough  for  a spear  point,  but  it  lacks 
a good  cutting  edge  and  near  the  point  it  is  9 mm.  thick  or  nearly  as  thick  as  it  is 
wide. 

Figure  9 (Mus.  no.  1-18111)  has  a better  cutting  edge  than  the  last  but  it  is 
8 mm.  thick,  which  makes  it  rather  too  heavy  for  an  arrow. 

Figure  10  (Mus.  no.  1-18014)  has  a rather  thin  delicate  point  for  a drill  but 
can  hardly  be  referred  to  any  other  class  of  implement,  unless  it  is  an  unfinished 
specimen. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  361 


Figure  11  (Mus.  no.  1-18114)  and  figure  15  (Mus.  no.  1-18106)  are  triangular 
in  cross-section,  while  figure  12  (Mus.  no.  1-18105),  figure  13  (Mus.  no.  1-18104), 
and  figure  14  (Mus.  no.  1-18012)  are  lenticular  in  cross-section,  having  a thickness 
half  or  two -thirds  as  great  as  the  width. 

Arrow  Points. — Twenty-five  specimens  of  black  obsidian  arrow 
points  were  found  in  association  with  several  human  remains  as  shown 
in  table  7.  They  varied  in  length  from  12  mm.  to  46  mm.  The 
shorter  ones  have  a form  similar  to  that  shown  in  plate  15,  figure  7, 
while  the  larger  ones  are  shaped  more  like  that  shown  in  plate  14, 
figure  5.  Two  obsidian  arrow  points  are  illustrated  on  plate  14,  fig- 
ure 4,  showing  the  more  typical  form  and  size,  while  figure  7 is  an 
object  of  rather  unique  form  found  in  association  with  human 
remains  no.  14. 

Fourteen  arrow  points  made  of  white  flint  were  obtained.  Most 
of  these  are  of  medium  size  and  are  more  or  less  fragmentary.  One 
specimen,  Mus.  no.  1-18112  (pi.  14,  fig.  6),  found  with  human  remains 
no.  14,  has  a single  notch  in  the  center  of  the  base.  With  this  excep- 
tion all  of  the  complete  specimens  have  a rather  wide  stem,  with  a 
notch  at  each  side,  and  medium  sized  barbs.  Museum  no.  1-18109 
(pi.  14,  fig.  5)  is  an  unusually  lengthened  form. 

Of  chert  arrow  points,  five  specimens  were  found.  Two  are  illus- 
trated on  plate  14,  figures  2 and  3.  Museum  no.  1-18107  (pi.  14, 
fig.  2),  found  with  human  remains  no.  14,  is  the  only  one  of  a par- 
ticular type  found  in  the  excavation.  The  type  is  common  at  sites  10 
and  34.  The  specimen  is  very  thin,  having  a thickness  of  only  3 mm., 
and  has  very  long  barbs.  These  characteristics  are  considered  as  the 
essential  features  of  an  Oregonian  type  of  arrow  point  which  will  be 
mentioned  again  when  the  artifacts  from  various  other  sites  are  dealt 
with. 

Objects  Made  of  Sandstone 

Under  this  heading  will  be  described  110  specimens,  mainly 
sinkers,  mauls,  and  pestles  with  a few  other  objects.  Slightly  over 
one-quarter  of  these  specimens  were  in  association  with  human  re- 
mains, the  others  being  scattered  at  various  depths  down  to  six  feet. 
In  reality  eight  of  the  sinkers  listed  in  the  tables  under  the  heading 
11 sandstone”  were  made  of  chert,  granite,  or  porphyry,  but  as  they  do 
not  differ  in  form  from  the  sandstone  sinkers,  they  are  not  separated 
from  this  type  of  artifact. 

Pestles. — The  fifteen  specimens  found  are  all  in  a broken  or  frag- 
mentary condition,  but  it  was  possible  to  cement  the  pieces  together 


362  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 

so  as  to  make  two  complete  specimens  and  one  nearly  complete.  They 
can  be  described  as  belonging  to  two  slightly  different  types,  namely, 
flanged,  and  not- flanged.  Three  specimens  belong  to  the  first  type, 
one  to  the  second  type,  while  the  other  eleven  are  too  fragmentary  to 
be  definitely  placed  with  either  type. 

The  flanged  pestle,  whose  distinguishing  feature  is  the  flange  or 
ring  near  the  bottom,  is  particularly  described  as  follows : 

Museum  no.  1-18022  (pi.  16,  fig.  1)  was  found  in  association  with  human 
remains  no.  3.  It  has  been  broken  by  the  heat  of  the  fire  into  thirty  pieces,  but 
when  cemented  together  was  447  mm.  in  length  and  weighed  six  pounds.  It  has  a 
gently  tapering  top  ending  in  a blunt  point.  A little  above  the  base  it  has  a 
flange  or  ring.  Here  the  pestle  has  a diameter  of  72  mm.  or  4 mm.  greater  than 
the  diameter  just  below  the  flange.  The  pestle  is  symmetrically  made  from  a 
very  hard,  close  grained,  dark  gray  sandstone^  and  is  well  polished. 

A second  nearly  complete  specimen  was  found  with  human  remains  no.  19, 
while  a third  fragment  found  at  a depth  of  five  feet  would  indicate  that  this  type 
is  not  confined  to  the  more  recent  strata  of  the  mound. 

As  a usual  thing  pestles  of  this  type  are  pointed  at  the  top,  though 
sometimes  the  top  appears  to  have  been  broken  off  and  then  smoothed 
over.  Nearly  all  of  them,  as  well  as  the  mauls,  sinkers,  and  adze 
handles  found  in  Wiyot  territory,  are  composed  of  a very  hard,  close 
grained  sandstone.  Several  fine  recent  specimens  from  the  Klamath 
and  Trinity  rivers  are  in  the  museum.  These  are  remarkable  not 
alone  on  account  of  the  ring  and  great  length,  but  also  on  account  of 
their  symmetry  and  exquisite  black  polish.  Two  of  them  are  shown 
in  outline  on  page  389  in  text  figures  11  and  12  and  are  here  described 
for  sake  of  comparison. 

Figure  11,  mus.  uo.  1-11676,  obtained  at  Weitchpec  on  the  Klamath,  is  663  mm. 
long,  and  the  longest  in  the  collection.  Weight:  11%  pounds.  Diameter  at  the 
flange,  87  mm.  Greatest  diameter  below  the  flange,  72  mm. 

Figure  12,  mus.  no.  1-816,  obtained  in  Hupa  valley.  Length,  471  mm.  Diam- 
eter at  the  flange,  90  mm.,  which  is  30  mm.  greater  than  the  diameter  below  the 
flange. 

This  type  of  pestle  occurs  from  a little  to  the  south  of  Cape  Men- 
docino northward  throughout  the  Wiyot,  Yurok,  and  Hupa  territory. 
Memorial  Museum,  Golden  Gate  Park,  San  Francisco,  has  several 
flanged  pestles  from  Curry  county,  Oregon,  essentially  of  the  same 
type,  only  not  so  well  polished.  The  northern  limit  of  the  type  is 
unknown. 

The  pestles  from  the  Porno  culture  area  to  the  south  are  pointed 
at  the  top,  but  have  bulbous  bases  without  rings.  In  the  shellmounds 
at  San  Francisco  bay  and  on  the  Santa  Barbara  islands  and  adjacent 
mainland,  pestles  with  flanges  have  been  found,  but  these  are  of  an- 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  363 

other  type  entirely,  being  generally  only  three  to  six  inches  long  and 
having  the  flange  at  the  top  rather  than  at  the  bottom  of  the  pestle. 

The  pestle  found  in  the  excavation  at  Gunther  island  which  had 
no  flange  is  described  as  follows : 

Museum  no.  1—18251  was  found  in  association  with  human  remains  no.  19. 
Length  365  mm.  Diameter  74  mm.  Weight  5 pounds  10  ounces.  It  has  a taper- 
ing top,  is  very  symmetrical,  but  is  not  smoothly  polished,  the  marks  made  by 
pecking  showing  over  its  surface  like  the  marks  of  smallpox.  It  has  been  broken 
by  the  heat  of  the  fire  at  the  time  of  cremation  into  fifteen  pieces.  There  is  really 
but  little  difference  between  this  pestle  and  the  type  already  described  except  that 
it  lacks  the  flange. 

Mauls. — An  implement  well  represented  in  the  mound  is  the  maul 
used  with  elkhorn  wedges  in  splitting  out  house  planks  and  in  driving 
stakes  for  fish  traps.  There  were  three  complete  specimens  and 
eighteen  fragments  found.  Nearly  all  came  from  the  upper  three 
feet  in  the  excavation,  but  several  were  from  lower  depths,  one  being 
found  at  a depth  of  5^4  feet.  Three  specimens  are  illustrated  on 
plate  16.  These  are  particularly  described  as  follows : 

Museum  no.  1-18269  (pi.  16,  fig.  3),  found  in  association  with  human  remains 
no.  20,  is  172  mm.  long  and  90  mm.  in  diameter,  and  weighs  3%  pounds.  It  is 
very  symmetrical  and  has  a neat  expansion  at  the  top.  Three  of  the  fragmentary 
specimens  showed  a like  expansion  at  the  handle  end. 

Museum  no.  1-18254  (pi.  16,  fig.  4),  found  in  association  with  human  remains 
no.  19,  is  271  mm.  long,  115  mm.  in  diameter,  and  weighs  7 pounds.  The  handle 
is  well  rounded  and  polished  but  less  care  was  bestowed  upon  the  bulbous  part, 
it  being  somewhat  triangular  in  cross-section.  It  was  broken  by  heat  into  a dozen 
fragments.  There  was  another  complete  specimen  and  seven  fragments  which 
lacked  the  expansion  at  the  top. 

Museum  no.  1-18504  (pi.  16,  fig.  5)  is  a boulder  partly  fashioned  into  a maul 
when  it  accidentally  split  longitudinally.  It  is  of  interest  as  showing  a stage 
in  the  process  of  manufacture. 

The  museum  has  a considerable  collection  of  mauls  from  the 
Klamath  river  varying  much  in  form  and  size,  the  heaviest  weighing 
7 y8  pounds.  They  are  made  of  various  kinds  of  stone,  such  as  sand- 
stone, steatite,  porphyry,  and  granite,  while  all  of  those  from  Wiyot 
territory  are  of  sandstone,  except  one  fragment  of  granite  found  near 
the  surface.  Some  of  these  mauls  resemble  in  shape  the  poi  pounders 
of  the  Hawaiian  islands.  Similar  implements  occur  in  Oregon,  Wash- 
ington, and  British  Columbia,276  though  sometimes  described  as 
pestles. 

276  H.  J.  Spinden,  The  Nez  Perce  Indians,  Mem.  Am.  Anthr.  Assoc.,  n,  185, 
1908;  H.  I.  Smith,  Archaeology  of  the  Yakima  Valley,  Anthr.  Papers  Am.  Mus. 
Nat.  Hist.,  vi,  40-44,  1910;  Archaeology  of  the  Thompson  River  Region,  Mem. 
Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  n,  413,  1900;  Shell-heaps  of  the  Lower  Prazer  River,  ibid., 
IV,  156,  1903. 


364 


University  of  California  Pufotications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Adze  Handles. — Six  specimens  of  the  stone  adze  handle  were 
found,  all  but  the  two  shown  on  plate  16  being  fragmentary.  They 
were  at  depths  varying  from  a few  inches  to  2 % feet,  only  one  being 
in  association  with  human  remains.  This  implement,  characteristic 
of  northwestern  California,  is  made  serviceable  by  binding  to  it  a cut- 
ting blade  made  from  bone,  horn,  flint,  or  shell,  which  was  replaced  by 
metal  after  the  coming  of  the  early  voyagers.  Though  numerous 
chisels  and  gouges  made  of  bone  and  horn  were  found  throughout  the 
trench,  none  were  in  association  with  handles.  The  manner  of  attach- 
ing the  blade  to  the  handle  is  illustrated  in  volume  1 of  the  present 
series,  plate  3,  to  which  the  reader  is  referred.  The  adze  was  used  in 
planing  wood  somewhat  as  the  carpenter’s  plane  is  used,  except  that 
the  implement  is  drawn  towards  the  person  instead  of  being  pushed. 
The  recurved  portion  serves  for  the  handhold.  Quite  different  types 
of  adzes  have  been  described  by  Smith277  from  the  Yakima  region  and 
by  Niblack278  from  Haida  and  Tsimshian  territory. 

Disk-shaped  Sinkers.- — Fifty  disk-shaped  sinkers,  fourteen  in  asso- 
ciation with  human  remains,  were  found  in  fairly  even  proportions  at 
all  depths.  They  were  made  mainly  from  sandstone  pebbles  by  notch- 
ing the  edges,  never  the  ends  as  in  the  case  of  similar  sinkers  from  the 
Yakima  valley,  though  a few  had  marks  on  the  ends  of  such  nature 
as  to  indicate  that  they  had  been  put  to  a second  use  as  hammer  stones. 
Five  were  made  from  disk  shaped  pebbles  of  chert,  two  of  granite, 
and  one  of  porphyry.  There  is  no  great  variation,  either  in  size  or 
other  respect,  from  the  one  shown  in  plate  17,  figure  7.  The  size 
varies  from  50  mm.  to  82  mm.  in  long  diameter,  and  from  1.1  to  5.5 
ounces  in  weight. 

Girdled  Stones. — Plate  17,  figures  8a  and  85,  illustrates  one  of  five 
similar  objects.  Only  one  was  in  association  with  human  remains. 
One  was  at  a depth  of  5%  feet,  the  others  at  depths  of  one  to  two  feet. 
These  stones  vary  from  54  mm.  to  63  mm.  in  length  and  from  3.1  to  4.8 
ounces  in  weight.  They  are  not  natural  pebbles,  but  were  shaped 
by  pecking  and  have  a groove  encircling  them.  There  is  no  reason 
why  they  could  not  be  used  as  sinkers,  yet  the  writer  is  not  inclined 
to  regard  them  as  such.  When  the  disk-shaped  pebble  is  seen  to  have 
been  used  so  extensively  as  a sinker,  not  alone  in  the  excavated  mound, 
but  throughout  the  Wiyot  and  Yurok  territory,  the  presence  of  only 

277  H.  I.  Smith,  Archaeology  of  the  Yakima  Valley,  op.  cit.,  p.  64. 

278  A.  P.  Niblack,  Coast  Indians  of  Southern  Alaska  and  Northern  British 
Columbia,  Eeport  U.  S.  Nat.  Mus.  1888,  p.  279  (1890). 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  365 


five  of  these  girdled  stones  leads  to  the  belief  that  they  had  some  other 
use.  The  ordinary  sinker  found  in  the  shellmounds  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco bay  region  is  a natural  pebble  girdled,  but  there  are  a number 
of  specimens  similar  to  the  girdled  stones  of  Humboldt  bay.  Several 
similar  objects  have  been  obtained  in  Butte  county  in  the  Sacramento 
valley.  One  of  these  (Mus.  no.  1-19586)  was  made  of  translucent 
quartz  and  polished  perfectly  smooth,  groove  and  all.  Because  of  its 
small  size  (longest  diameter  42  mm.,  weight  2 ounces)  as  well  as  the 
care  expended  in  making  it,  it  should  perhaps  be  regarded  as  a charm- 
stone  or  some  ceremonial  object. 

Museum  no.  1-18526  (pi.  17,  fig.  9)  is  a remarkably  symmetrical 
granite  stone,  apparently  natural  shape  except  for  the  encircling 
groove.  It  is  93  mm.  in  greatest  diameter,  and  weighs  16.3  ounces. 
It  was  found  on  the  beach  opposite  the  recent  village  at  site  67. 

Hammer  Stones. — Seven  hammer  stones  have  been  listed  in  table  8. 
To  this  number  could  be  added  six  others,  already  mentioned,  which 
have  been  classed  as  disk-shaped  sinkers.  The  notches  on  their  edges 
show  that  they  had  been  used  as  sinkers,  while  marks  on  their  ends 
prove  that  they  had  also  been  put  to  a secondary  use  as  hammer 
stones.  One  oblong  flat  hammer  stone  (Mus.  no.  l-18575a)  is  only 
48  mm.  in  length  and  weighs  1.6  ounces.  Such  a hammer  stone  could 
only  be  used  in  very  light  work,  such  as  breaking  up  flint,  or  perhaps 
in  fashioning  implements  by  pecking.  Two  larger  hammer  stones 
(Mus.  nos.  1-18515  and  1-185755)  are  similar  in  shape  and  size  to 
that  shown  in  plate  17,  figure  6,  being  123  mm.  long.  The  heaviest 
weighs  13.4  ounces. 

Anvil  or  Mortar. — No  mortars,  either  whole  or  fragmentary,  were 
found,  except  one  fragment  of  an  irregular  flattish  stone  showing  a 
shallow  mortar-like  depression  at  least  nine  centimeters  in  diameter. 
This  may  have  been  either  an  anvil  or  a stone  used  as  a mortar  in  con- 
nection with  a basket  hopper. 

Problematical  Stone  Object. — One  object  was  found  whose  use  is 
not  known,  but  which  might  be  regarded  as  an  ornamental  pendant. 
Its  description  follows : 

Museum  no.  1-18118  (pi.  17,  fig.  5),  found  with  human  remains  no.  14. 
Length  71  mm.,  breadth  38  mm.,  thickness  20  mm.  Edges  show  rough  pecking 
marks,  but  the  flat  sides  are  well  polished,  which  would  lead  to  the  belief  that  it 
had  been  used  as  an  abrading  implement  or  smoothing  stone,  such  as  is  employed 
in*  pottery  making,  were  it  not  for  a mark  at  one  end  made  apparently  to  accom- 
modate an  encircling  string. 


366  Vniversity  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Objects  of  Steatite  and  Slate 

The  objects  made  of  steatite  and  slate  are  not  numerous.  They 
include  two  pipes,  a fragment  of  a steatite  dish,  three  slave-killers, 
and  four  fragments  of  slave-killers. 

Stone  Pipes. — One  clay  pipe  was  obtained,  which  will  be  described 
under  another  heading,  and  two  pipes  made  of  steatite.  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  stone  pipes  is  as  follows : 

Museum  no.  1-18038  (pi.  17,  figs,  la  and  lb),  found  in  association  with  human 
remains  no.  2.  Length  240  mm.,  diameter  24  mm.  Museum  no.  1-18239  (pi.  17, 
fig.  2),  found  with  human  remains  no.  19.  Length  108  mm.,  diameter  22  mm. 

These  pipes  show  great  extremes  in  length,  but  are  in  no  respect 
different  from  the  majority  of  stone  pipes  found  in  northern  Cali- 
fornia among  the  modem  Indians.  There  are  at  least  two  species  of 
tobacco  indigenous  to  northern  California,  Nicotiana  bigelovii  and 
Nicotiana  attenuata,  both  of  which  were  used  by  the  Indians.  The 
Spanish  discoverers  of  Trinidad  bay  said  that  the  Indians  “used 
tobacco,  which  they  smoked  in  small  wooden  pipes,  in  form  of  a trum- 
pet, and  procured  from  little  gardens  where  they  planted  it.  ’ ’279 

Stone  Dish. — A fragment  of  a steatite  dish  (pi.  16,  fig.  6),  found 
at  a depth  of  2 y2  feet,  had  at  some  time  been  subjected  to  so  much 
heat  that  it  had  changed  from  its  original  condition  of  softness  to  one 
of  extreme  hardness,  with  the  result  that  it  was  with  some  difficulty 
recognized  as  being  made  of  steatite.  The  dish  was  well  shaped  inside 
and  out,  having  a maximum  thickness  of  22  mm.  Before  being  broken 
it  must  have  had  a diameter  of  some  20  or  25  centimetres.  Steatite 
dishes,  generally  elliptical  in  form,  and  having  a long  diameter  of 
from  two  inches  to  over  two  feet,  are  quite  common  in  the  lower 
Klamadh  river  region. 

Slave-killers. — Plate  18  shows  several  objects  belonging  to  a class 
of  implements  variously  described  as  batons,  war-clubs,  stone  hatchets, 
battle  axes,  tomahawks,  and  slave-killers.  Though  there  is  such  a 
great  diversity  of  forms  throughout  North  America,  these  objects 
should  all  be  regarded  as  only  modifications  of  one  fundamental  class 
of  implement  used  either  for  killing  or  in  ceremony.  If  an  exhaustive 
study  of  the  subject  could  be  made,  it  is  possible  that  intermediate 
forms  could  be  found  to  connect  the  more  eccentric  types.  On  the 
Alaska  coast  and  southward,  where  slavery  was  an  established  insti- 
tution, certain  clubs  have  been  designated  as  slave-killers.  Niblack 

279  Don  Antonio  Maurello,  op.  cit.  (see  footnote  27  of  present  paper),  Bar- 
rington edition,  p.  489. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  367 


describes  the  killing  of  slaves  in  southern  Alaska,  especially  in  the 
region  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  islands,  in  the  following  words  :280 

Simpson  estimates  that  in  1841  one-third  of  the  entire  population  of  this 
region  were  slaves  of  the  most  helpless  and  abject  description. . . . Slaves  did  all 
the  drudgery;  fished  for  their  owner;  strengthened  his  force  in  war;  were  not 
allowed  to  hold  property  or  to  marry;  and  when  old  and  worthless  were  killed. 

The  master’s  power  was  unlimited In  certain  ceremonies  it  was  customary  to 

give  several  slaves  their  freedom;  but  at  funerals  of  chiefs,  or  in  ceremonies 
attending  the  erection  of  a house  by  a person  of  consequence,  slaves  were  killed. 
Slaves  sacrificed  at  funerals  were  chosen  long  before  the  death  of  their  master 
and  were  supposed  to  be  peculiarly  fortunate,  as  their  bodies  attained  the  dis- 
tinction of  cremation,  instead  of  being  thrown  into  the  sea.  Simpson  (1841) 
says  of  Chief  Shakes  at  Wr angel,  that  he  was  “said  to  be  very  cruel  to  his  slaves, 
whom  he  frequently  sacrificed  in  pure  wantonness,  in  order  to  show  how  great  a 
man  he  was.  On  the  recent  occasion  of  a house-warming,  he  exhibited,  as  a part 
of  the  festivities,  the  butchery  of  five  slaves.  ”...  The  practice  of  killing  slaves 
in  ceremonies  and  for  reparation  in  quarrels  was  quite  common. . . . 

Slav e-Tcillers. — These  are  ceremonial  implements  formerly  used  by  the  chiefs  in 
dispatching  the  slaves  selected  as  victims  of  sacrifice  on  occasions  of  building 
a house,  or  on  the  death  of  a chief  or  other  important  personage. . . . The  pointed 
ends  were  driven  by  a quick  blow  into  the  skull  of  the  victim,  whose  body  was 
accorded  special  consideration  in  burial.  They  seem  in  general  to  have  been  made 
of  bone,  or  of  wood  tipped  with  stone.  Naturally,  with  the  advent  of  the  whites, 
this  custom  has  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  these  implements  have,  in  time,  become 
very  rare. 

The  institution  of  slavery,  though  developed  to  the  greatest  extent 
in  southern  Alaska,  existed  among  all  the  northwest  coast  Indians  as 
far  south  as  the  Klamath  and  the  head  waters  of  the  Sacramento.281 
Of  slavery  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Flattery  on  the  coast  of  Wash- 
ington we  have  the  following  account  :282 

In  former  times,  it  is  said,  the  slaves  were  treated  very  harshly,  and  their  lives 
were  of  no  more  value  than  those  of  dogs.  On  the  death  of  a chief,  his  favorite 
slaves  were  killed  and  buried  with  him,  but  latterly,  this  custom  seems  to  have 
been  abandoned,  and  their  present  condition  is  a mild  form  of  servitude.  The 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Makahs  makes  it  obligatory  on  this 
tribe  to  free  their  slaves,  and  although  this  provision  has  not  thus  far  been 
enforced,  it  has  had  the  effect  of  securing  better  treatment  than  they  formerly  had. 

John  Dunn,  for  eight  years  connected  with  the  Hudson’s  Bay 
Company,  describing  burial  customs  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia, 
says  :283 


280  A.  P.  Niblack,  op.  cit.,  pp.  252-253,  275,  pi.  46,  summarizing  and  quoting 
Sir  George  Simpson  (governor-in-chief  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company’s  territories), 
Narrative  of  a Journey  Round  the  World  During  the  Years  1841  and  1842  (Lon- 
don, 1847),  I,  211-213,  242-243. 

281  H.  W.  Henshaw,  Bur.  Am.  Ethn.,  Bull.  30,  part  2,  p.  598,  1912. 

282  J.  G.  Swan,  The  Indians  of  Cape  Flattery,  p.  10,  1868  (Smithsonian  Con- 
tributions to  Knowledge,  xvi,  1870). 

283  John  Dunn,  op.  cit.  (see  footnote  183  of  present  paper),  p.  86. 


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On  the  death  of  one  of  these  people,  the  body  was  formerly  wrapped  in  skins 

or  mats,  and  deposited  in  a small  canoe On  the  death  of  a chief  or  other 

person  of  wealth  or  importance,  one  or  more  of  his  slaves  (much  of  an  Indian’s 
importance  depending  on  the  number  of  his  slaves)  was  put  to  death. . . . But  this 
barbarous  superstition  has  been  abolished  through  the  interposition  of  the  Com- 
pany. 

When  an  important  person  died  on  Coos  bay,  170  miles  to  the 
north  of  Humboldt  bay,  4 ‘formerly  the  body  was  burned,  and  the 
wife  of  the  corpse  killed  and  interred.  ’ ’284 

Though  our  findings  are  hardly  sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  making 
any  positive  declaration  that  the  institution  of  slavery  and  human 
sacrifice  formerly  existed  as  far  south  as  Humboldt  bay,  yet  we  feel 
we  owe  it  to  the  reader  to  state  such  facts  as  would  point  in  that 
direction  and  then  leave  it  to  future  investigation  to  prove  or  disprove 
the  proposition.  We  find  southern  Alaska  to  be  the  center  of  a culture 
area  characterized  by  a high  development  of  certain  arts  and  insti- 
tutions, such  as  carving,  canoe  making,  building  of  excellent  plank 
houses,  an  aristocracy  of  wealth,  slavery,  and  human  sacrifice.  As 
we  proceed  south  from  the  center  of  this  type  of  civilization,  all  of 
these  arts  and  institutions  gradually  become  less  marked  in  their 
development  and  cease  entirely  when  Cape  Mendocino  is  reached. 
Now,  the  argument  might  be  made  that,  as  most  of  these  arts  and 
institutions  existed  to  a greater  or  less  degree  among  the  modern 
Indians  of  the  Klamath  river  and  Humboldt  bay  regions,  there  is,  at 
least,  a possibility  that  they  all  existed  in  a more  or  less  developed 
form  in  the  past. 

Whether  slavery  and  human  sacrifice  really  existed  or  not,  there 
are  implements  found  on  Humboldt  bay  similar  to  those  from  the 
Columbia  river  and  northward  described  as  war-clubs  or  slave-killers. 
The  following  is  a general  summary  of  the  facts  published  by  Smith285 
regarding  this  class  of  implement: 

Forty-four  specimens  of  clubs  made  from  the  bones  of  whales  (practically  all 
the  specimens  of  which  Smith  was  able  to  gain  any  information;  illustration  of 
one  of  these  from  Barclay  sound,  Vancouver  island,  is  reproduced  on  plate  19, 

284  W.  Y.  Wells,  Wild  Life  in  Oregon,  Harper ’s  Magazine,  1856,  p.  602,  a 
narrative  of  a four  months’  sojourn  in  the  vicinity  of  Coos  bay.  Formerly,  from 
Coos  bay  to  Alaska,  slaves,  or  sometimes  even  friends  or  relatives  of  an  important 
person,  were  killed  upon  his  death.  For  the  following  tribes  see  Bancroft’s 
Works:  Kadiak  island,  r,  86;  Nootka,  I,  205;  Chinook,  i,  240,  248;  Wallawalla,  i, 
288;  Coos  bay,  i,  248.  Of  the  Chinook,  Bancroft  says:  “Many  instances  are 
known  of  slaves  murdered  by  the  whim  of  a cruel  and  rich  master,  and  it  was  not 
very  uncommon  to  kill  slaves  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  prominent  persons, 
but  wives  and  friends  are  also  known  to  have  been  sacrificed  on  similar  occasions.  ’ ’ 

285  H.  I.  Smith,  Archaeology  of  the  Gulf  of  Georgia  and  Puget  Sound,  Mem. 
Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  iv,  1907 ; Archaeology  of  the  Yakima  Valley,  op.  cit. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  369 


figure  6)  do  not  vary  greatly  in  their  size  and  proportions,  averaging  about  21 
inches  in  length  by  2%  inches  in  width  and  having  a lenticular  cross-section. 
About  two-thirds  of  them  have  the  handle  carved  to  represent  the  head  of  the 
eagle  or  thunder-bird  surmounted  by  a bird  head-dress,  while  the  blade  is  deco- 
rated with  line  and  scallop  designs,  dot  designs,  or  triangular  incisions  which 
according  to  the  interpretation  of  modern  Indians  indicate  feathers.  Ten  speci- 
mens have  their  blades  incised  to  represent  a human  head.  The  hair  is  usually 
represented  as  being  very  much  disheveled,  as  it  would  be  in  a head-hunter  7s 
trophy.  Some  of  these  bone  clubs  were  collected  by  early  explorers  and  are  now 
in  European  museums  with  insufficient  data,  but  most  of  them  seem  to  have  come 
from  the  west  coast  of  Vancouver  island,  a few  from  near  Victoria,  a few  from 
Neah  bay,  Washington,  and  several  from  the  mainland  of  British  Columbia,  while 
three  which  do  not  differ  in  type  from  those  farther  north  came  from  the  Columbia 
river. 

Twenty-five  stone  clubs  have  a blade  lenticular  or  lozenge-shaped  in  cross- 
section  and  are  of  much  the  same  form  as  those  made  from  the  bones  of  whales, 
except  that  in  general  they  lack  the  carved  handle  and  other  decoration.  About 
forty  per  cent  of  these  clubs  came  from  Puget  sound  and  northward  as  far  as  the 
vicinity  of  Vancouver,  and  about  forty  per  cent  are  from  the  Columbia  river 
drainage  area.  One  came  from  the  coast  of  Oregon,  and  two  were  probably  from 
Klamath  river  valley. 

The  third  type  of  implement  of  the  war-club  class  consists  of  ten  stone  objects 
having  somewhat  the  form  of  an  animal  with  a head,  one  or  two  legs,  and  a long 
tail.  Six  9f  these  are  reproduced  in  outline  on  plate  19.  Four  specimens  of  this 
type  which  are  now  in  the  Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard  University  are  supposed 
to  have  come  from  the  Klamath  river  region.  The  provenience  of  the  others  is 
more  definitely  known,  one  coming  from  Poormans  Bar,  Scott  river,  Siskiyou 
county,  California,  one  from  Shovel  Creek  Springs,  on  Klamath  river  twenty  miles 
west  of  Klamath  lake,  two  from  Willamette  slough,  Columbia  county,  Oregon,  one 
from  near  Tacoma,  Washington,  and  one  from  near  Vancouver,  British  Columbia. 

Smith  also  illustrates  several  objects  more  or  less  pestle  shaped  but  much 
elongated.  Similar  objects  are  commonly  found  in  Pacific  coast  museums  some- 
times labelled  as  pestles,  sometimes  as  phallic  symbols,  and  sometimes  as  war- 
clubs. 

As  for  the  type  of  club  made  from  the  bones  of  whales,  none  are 
known  to  occur  in  California,286  but  stone  clubs  of  similar  shape  are 
found  in  the  Humboldt  bay  (text  figure  15)  and  Klamath  river 
regions.  There  are  three  of  these  made  of  steatite  at  the  University 
museum.  They  were  obtained  from  the  Yurok  Indians.  One  of  these 
(no.  1-1570)  is  shown  on  plate  18,  figure  4.  It  is  423  mm.  long, 
75  mm.  wide,  and  has  a maximum  thickness  of  24  mm.  Its  weight 
is  940  grams  (35.2  ounces).  The  incised  zigzag  lines  on  its  sides 
suggest  the  scallop  designs  which  have  been  interpreted  as  feathers 
on  the  bone  clubs  (cf.  pi.  19,  fig.  6).  The  two  dots  may  possibly 

286  One  exception  might  be  made  in  the  case  of  a war-club  which  was  made 
of  a whale’s  jaw  and  which  came  from  Santa  Rosa  island  off  the  coast  of  south- 
ern California;  but  the  form  of  this  object  is  really  quite  different  from  those  of 
the  north.  See  illustration  in  W.  K.  Moorehead,  Prehistoric  Implements  (Cincin- 
nati, 1900),  p.  233. 


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represent  the  eyes  of  a human  face.  This  interpretation  is  in  line 
with  the  general  degeneration  of  art  in  northwestern  California  as 
compared  with  that  farther  north.  Neither  sculpture  nor  realistic 
designs  are  known  to  occur  in  northwestern  California,  although  geo- 
metric designs  are  commonly  incised  on  elk-horn  purses,  elk-horn 
spoons,  hone  objects,  the  handles  of  mush  stirrers,  and  the  like. 

The  type  of  stone  club  having  the  form  of  an  animal  was  well 
represented  in  the  excavation  on  Gunther  island,  there  being  three 
whole  specimens  and  four  fragments.  Plate  18,  figures  la-lc,  shows 
one  of  the  specimens  (no.  1-18231)  found  in  association  with  human 
remains  no.  19.  It  is  made  of  steatite,  is  415  mm.  long,  132  mm.  wide 
at  the  position  indicated  by  the  arrow,  and  has  a maximum  thickness 
of  24  mm.  It  weighs  867  grams  (30.6  ounces).  The  object  is  shaped 
much  like  an  animal,  with  a head,  ears,  front  and  hind  leg,  and  a long 
tail.  The  legs  are  lenticular  in  cross-section  aud  have  a maximum 
thickness  of  14  mm.  A cross-section  taken  through  any  part  of  the 
head,  neck,  or  body  would  be  wedge  shaped.  The  end  of  the  tail  for 
about  half  of  its  length  is  more  nearly  lenticular  in  cross-section, 
rounded  at  the  lower  edge  but  flattened  at  the  upper.  There  is  a 
groove  reaching  from  the  ears  to  the  middle  of  the  tail.  The  whole 
specimen  has  a smooth  black  polish  except  for  about  half  of  the  tail. 
This  is  of  a slate  color  and  has  rough  scratches  at  various  angles,  the 
marks  made  in  the  process  of  manufacture  not  having  been  smoothed 
out  by  polishing.  In  addition  to  the  finer  marks  there  are  many  deep 
scratches  arranged  vertically.  It  is  possible  that  the  tail  had  wrap- 
pings at  one  time.  This  theory  would  account  for  the  lack  of  polish, 
for  the  lighter  color,  and  for  the  vertical  marks,  which  would  serve  to 
keep  the  wrappings  from  slipping. 

The  specimen  is  not  uniformly  black,  as  there  are  several  patches 
having  somewhat  the  appearance  of  blood  stains.  These  are  poorly 
shown  in  the  photographic  reproduction,  but  the  form  of  the  patches 
can  be  seen  in  text  figure  3.  If  the  object  had  been  used  to  kill  a 
person  and  had  then  been  immediately  thrown  into  the  flames,  clots  of 
blood  might  have  served  to  protect  the  stone  from  the  heat  so  as  to 
cause  an  alteration  in  color  in  spots  as  they  appear  in  the  specimen. 
However,  the  alteration  in  color  is  not  necessarily  due  to  fresh  blood, 
for  if  during  cremation  the  juices  of  the  body  had  come  in  contact 
with  the  object,  the  effect  might  have  been  much  the  same. 

The  close  resemblance  of  this  specimen  to  the  one  found  on  Scott 
river  and  to  those  from  Willamette  slough  will  be  noticed  (cf.  pi.  18, 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  371 


figs,  la-lc , with  pi.  19,  figs.  2 and  3).  All  have  grooves  along  the 
back.  Whether  the  object  of  this  type  had  one  or  two  legs  seems 
to  have  been  immaterial,  as  both  forms  were  found  at  Willamette 
slough. 

The  second  complete  specimen  of  slave-killer  (no.  1-18093,  pi.  18, 
figs.  2ar-2b ) was  found  in  association  with  human  remains  no.  14. 
It  has  a length  of  320  mm.,  a width  of  65  mm.,  and  a thickness  of 
13  mm.  It  weighs  402  grams.  It  is  made  of  steatite,  but  is  not  so 
highly  polished  as  the  first  specimen.  The  legs  are  very  short,  as  in 
the  specimen  from  Shovel  Creek  Springs;  the  sides  are  nearly  parallel 
throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  specimen ; and  there  is  no  groove 
in  the  back.  There  is  a spot  or  two  of  stain  on  the  head  and  neck  of 
the  specimen  similar  to  those  described  in  the  first  specimen. 


Fig.  3.  Slave-killer  from  site  67  showing  stains.  No.  1-18231. 
About  one-quarter  natural  size. 


The  third  complete  specimen  of  slave-killer  (no.  1-18018,  pi.  18, 
figs.  3u-3 b)  is  apparently  a miniature  toy  weighing  only  9 grams 
(.3  ounce).  It  was  found  with  human  remains  no.  4.  It  has  a length 
of  54  mm.,  a width  of  20  mm.,  and  a thickness  of  7 mm.  The  close 
similarity  of  this  object  to  the  one  from  Scott  river  will  be  seen  in  the 
longitudinal  groove  along  the  back  and  forehead,  and  also  the  incisions 
at  right  angles  to  the  groove.  The  encircling  groove  at  one  end  shows 
that  it  was  intended  for  a pendant.  Two  of  the  smaller  specimens 
which  presumably  came  from  the  Klamath  river,  are  perforated  at  the 
handle  end  so  that  they  might  be  suspended  by  a cord  or  thong. 

One  fragment  of  steatite  about  four  inches  in  length  was  found 
at  a depth  of  nine  inches.  It  has  a closely  similar  form  to  the  handle 
end  of  the  specimen  first  described.  Three  other  smaller  fragments 


372 


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of  slate  found  at  depths  of  less  than  three  feet  are  also  probably 
portions  of  slave-killers. 

When  an  account  is  taken  of  the  objects  indicative  of  wealth  or 
rank  found  with  human  bones,  such  as  ceremonial  blades  of  red 
obsidian,  black  obsidian,  and  white  flint,  steatite  pipes,  slave-killers, 
and  dentalium  shell,  it  would  appear  that  the  persons  of  most  im- 
portance would  be,  in  order:  nos.  19,  9,  14,  4,  12,  1,  2.  Hence,  the 
slave-killers  are  seen  to  be  associated  with  the  most  wealthy.  Now, 
a reference  to  plate  12,  figure  3,  and  to  the  notes  on  the  various  human 
remains,  will  show  that  skeletons  nos.  19  and  9 were  surrounded  by  a 
single  continuous  charcoal  bed.  The  same  can  be  said  of  nos.  4,  3, 
and  2.  But  if  in  these  cases  of  two  or  more  persons  appearing  to  have 
been  cremated  at  the  same  time,  one  is  the  sacrificed  slave,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  which  is  the  slave  and  which  the  master,  because  the 
artifacts  with  the  one  are  about  as  important  as  those  with  the  other. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Pacific  coast  forms  of  war-clubs  or  slave-killers 
are  but  little  known  and  but  partially  described,  it  might  be  well  to 
take  up  the  subject  wfiiere  Smith  left  it  and  add  to  the  present  knowl- 
edge by  mentioning  a few  other  specimens,  which  should  perhaps  be 
regarded  as  belonging  to  the  war-club  class  of  implements. 

A specimen  (no.  1-15141)  in  the  University  museum  from  Santa 
Catalina  island,  southern  California,  has  at  least  a superficial  resem- 
blance to  a miniature  slave-killer,  as  appears  in  the  outline  drawing, 
text  figure  5.  This  object  has  a length  of  91  mm.,  a width  of  51  mm., 
and  a thickness  of  18  mm.  Its  small  size  should  not  necessarily 
prevent  it  from  being  called  a slave-killer,  since  there  are  several 
miniature  representatives  of  this  ceremonial  implement  from  the 
north,  but  at  the  present  stage  of  our  knowledge  it  would  be  much 
safer  to  consider  it  merely  as  a crude  figure  of  an  animal  with  only 
an  accidental  semblance  to  a slave-killer.  This  hypothesis  is  strength- 
ened by  the  fact  that  several  well  made  figurines  of  the  fin-back  whale 
and  other  animals  have  been  found  on  the  Santa  Barbara  islands, 
while  specific  resemblances  to  the  culture  of  northwestern  California 
are  lacking  or  at  least  very  scanty. 

The  Memorial  Museum  of  San  Francisco  has  a specimen,  shown  in 
outline  in  text  figure  4,  which  appears  to  be  related  to  the  type  found 
on  Gunther  island.  It  is  211  mm.  long,  105  mm.  in  greatest  width, 
and  33  mm.  in  greatest  thickness.  It  was  unearthed  from  a depth 
of  18  (?)  feet  at  the  Doggett  mine  on  the  banks  of  the  Klamath  river 
near  Walker,  Siskiyou  county,  some  ten  or  fifteen  miles  above  the 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  373 


mouth  of  Scott  river.  The  specimen  gained  some  notoriety  from  a 
newspaper  article,287  which  is  in  substance  as  follows: 

In  a pocket  oP  sapd  and  gravel  which  was  believed  to  be  an  ancient  channel 
of  the  Klamath  river,  and  which  was  fully  200  feet  from  the  present  bed  of  the 
river,  at  a depth  of  18  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  ground,  were  found  three 
large  teeth  belonging  to  one  of  the  great  “ lizard,’ ' or  ‘ ‘ dinosaur, * ’ or  “masto- 
donic  species.  ’ ’ There  was  also  a tusk,  7%  feet  long  and  14  inches  in  diameter 
at  the  butt,  which  was  so  badly  decayed  that  it  fell  to  pieces  when  touched.  Above 
the  specimens  were  oaks  five  to  six  feet  in  diameter,  and  on  bedrock  12  feet  below 
the  specimens  were  trees  turned  to  coal  or  partly  petrified.  “ Close  to  the  teeth 
was  found  an  ancient  stone  hatchet,  which  is  believed  to  belong  to  a period  co- 
existent with  that  in  which  the  animal  to  which  the  teeth  belonged  is  believed  to 

have  lived Was  there  a fight  and  the  stone  ax,  being  indigestible,  all  that  is 

left  of  the  man?” 


Fig.  4.  Slave-killer  from  the  Klamath,  10  to  15  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
Scott  river.  Memorial  Museum,  San  Francisco,  no.  38899  One-quarter  natural  size. 

Fig.  5.  Stone  object  from  Santa  Catalina  island.  No.  1-15141.  One-half 
natural  size. 

The  teeth  are  in  the  Memorial  Museum  with  the  stone  ax,  and  are 
identified  as  belonging  to  the  mastodon,  Mastodon  amerioanus.  Owing 
to  the  obviously  emotional  and  unscientific  character  of  the  accom- 
panying information,  little  significance  can  be  attached  to  the  reported 
association  of  the  club  with  the  fossil  bones.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
when  such  discoveries  are  made  there  is  too  often  no  careful  archaeol- 
ogist present  to  take  measurements  of  depths  and  make  full  notes  of 
the  circumstances. 

Schumacher288  found  with  a skeleton  at  Chetko,  Oregon,  eighty-five 
miles  north  of  Humboldt  bay,  an  implement  of  bone  broken  to  frag- 
ments but  apparently  shaped  much  like  another  implement  “made  of 
dark  stone  and  nicely  polished,  which  was  found  at  Happy  Camp  [on 
the  Klamath  twenty-five  miles  below  the  mouth  of  Scott  river]  at  a 
depth  of  40  feet  below  the  surface.”  Schumacher’s  drawing  of  this 
latter  specimen  reveals  a form  closely  similar  to  the  one  from  Gunther 
island  shown  in  place  18,  figure  2a. 

287  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  Jung  7,  1911. 

288  Paul  Schumacher,  Remarks  on  the  Kjokken-moddings  on  the  Northwest 
Coast  of  America,  Ann.  Rep.  Smithson.  Inst.  1873,  pp.  354-362  (1874). 


374  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


W.  K.  Moorehead,  in  his  Prehistoric  Implements  (p.  292),  gives  a 
figure  of  a slave-killer  from  Siskiyou  county,  California,  which  until 
the  fire  of  1906  was  in  the  possession  of  the  California  Academy  of 
Sciences  at  San  Francisco.  It  is  described  as  being  made  of  hard 
black  stone  having  the  dimensions  of  two  by  sixteen  inches,  though 
the  proportions  of  the  figure  do  not  correspond  to  these  dimensions. 
Persons  who  remember  seeing  the  specimen  say  that  the  figure  must 
have  been  made  from  a very  inaccurate  free  hand  drawing.  The 
same  author  in  his  second  volume  of  the  Stone  Age  in  North  America 
(p.  105),  gives  illustrations  of  two  slave-killers  in  the  possession  of  a 
resident  of  Albany,  Oregon.  Both  of  these  specimens,  which  are 
shaped  much  like  text  figure  4,  apparently  came  from  “not  far  above 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river.” 

Several  specimens  of  slave-killers  are  described  by  G.  G.  Mac- 
Curdy.289  Two  of  these  in  the  possession  of  Yale  University  Museum 
are  from  the  John  Day  river  drainage  area,  probably  Grant  county, 
Oregon.  A third  specimen  in  the  Yale  University  Museum  is  probably 
from  Gilliam  county,  Oregon,  about  fifty  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
John  Day  river.  The  National  Museum  has  a cast  of  a fourth  speci- 
men found  near  St.  Helens,  mouth  of  Willamette  river,  Columbia 
county,  Oregon.  The  fifth  specimen,  also  in  the  possession  of  the 
National  Museum,  is  most  interesting  as  being  from  Wintun  territory 
near  Weaverville,  Trinity  county,  California,  over  sixty  miles  due  east 
from  Humboldt  bay. 

Robert  Gunther  has  found  on  site  68  one  or  more  specimens  of 
slave-killers,  which  have,  however,  been  disposed  of  without  his  re- 
membering just  where  they  went.  This  completes  the  list  of  all  known 
specimens  of  this  type,  at  least  twenty-eight  in  all,  which  can  be  said 
to  range  from  Humboldt  bay  to  as  far  north  as  Vancouver,  British 
Columbia.  Some  of  the  specimens  from  Gunther  island  resemble  so 
closely  specimens  from  the  Columbia  river  that  they  can  be  said  to 
be  practically  identical ; yet  the  form  is  so  frequent  both  in  California 
and  in  Oregon  that  it  would  be  unwarranted  to  infer  that  the  pieces 
were  made  in  a northern  locality  and  carried  to  California  in  trade, 
or  vice  versa.  We  must  assume  that  so  far  as  these  implements  are 
concerned  one  set  of  customs  covered  the  region  from  Humboldt  bay 
to  Puget  sound  and  perhaps  took  in  the  drainage  areas  of  the  Klamath, 
Trinity,  John  Day,  and  Des  Chutes  rivers,  and  part  of  the  Columbia 
valley. 

289  G.  G.  MacCurdy,  The  Cult  of  the  Ax,  in  W.  H.  Holmes  Anniversary  Volume, 
pp.  301-315,  1916. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  375 

On  plate  19,  figure  8,  there  is  shown  an  implement  of  the  war-club 
class  from  Chilkat,  Alaska,290  about  850  miles  to  the  north  of  Van- 
couver. Though  this  was  perhaps  put  to  the  same  use  as  those  objects 
which  we  have  described  as  slave-killers,  it  should  be  considered  as 
being  the  product  of  an  independent  development,  so  far  as  its  form 
is  concerned,  and  perhaps  no  more  related  to  the  typical  slave-killer 
than  are  the  monolithic  hatchets  from  the  eastern  states,  one  of  which 
from  central  Alabama,  is  shown  for  comparison  on  plate  19,  figure  9. 

There  are  on  the  Pacific  coast  quite  a variety  of  flat,  sword-shaped 
ceremonial  implements,291  as  well  as  a few  peculiarly  shaped  cylindrical 
implements,  sometimes  called  pestles  but  more  often  phallic  symbols292 
or  war-clubs.  These  would  undoubtedly  make  a very  interesting 
study  could  the  different  types  be  brought  together  and  compared  and 
their  significance  ascertained.  One  form  of  stone  club  from  site  9 and 
another  from  Scotia  will  be  described  below. 

Chert  Refuse , Cooking  Stones , etc. 

Chert. — There  were  a great  many  pebbles  of  chert  from  the  size 
of  a bean  to  the  size  of  a fist  found  throughout  the  mound.  These 
Were  thrown  into  a heap  as  they  were  unearthed  and  a few  samples 
taken  to  the  museum.  They  were  probably  used  as  cooking  stones,  as 
hammer  stones,  and  as  material  for  the  making  of  implements. 

Chert  Fragments. — About  seven  pounds  of  small  chert  fragments, 
appearing  to  be  the  refuse  from  implement  making,  were  brought 
to  the  museum.  These  fragments  are  of  all  colors,  as  described  on 
page  279.  If  these  fragments  are  really  the  refuse  from  implement 
making,  it  might  very  properly  be  asked  where  the  finished  imple- 
ments are.  Only  one  scraper  (pi.  15,  fig.  5),  one  drill  (pi.  14,  fig.  14), 
four  knives  (pi.  13,  fig.  5),  and  five  arrow-points  (pi.  14,  figs.  2 and 
3),  made  of  typical  chert,  were  found  at  site  67,  though  thirty-four 

290  H.  I.  Smith,  Archaeology  of  the  Gulf  of  Georgia  and  Puget  Sound,  op.  cit., 
pp.  418-420. 

291  See  W.  K.  Moorehead,  Prehistoric  Implements,  pp.  233,  292-293,  for  illus- 
tration of  specimens  from  Siskiyou  county  and  elsewhere. 

292  H.  H.  Bancroft,  Works,  ill,  508,  1883,  quotes  D.  G.  Brinton,  in  School- 
craft, Arch,  v,  416-417,  as  saying:  “The  pretended  phallic  worship  ...  rests  on 
no  good  authority,  and  . . . is  . . . nothing  but  an  unrestrained  and  boundless 
profligacy  which  it  were  an  absurdity  to  call  a religion.  . . . There  is  a decided 
indecency  in  the  remains  of  ancient  American  art  . . . but  the  proof  is  alto- 
gether wanting  to  bind  these  with  the  recognition  of  fecundating  principle 
throughout  nature,  or,  indeed,  to  suppose  for  them  any  other  origin  than  the 
promptings  of  an  impure  fancy.  ” Bancroft  does  not  agree  with  the  conclusions 
of  Brinton,  but  makes  no  attempt  t<£  establish  the  existence  of  phallic  worship 
anywhere  in  America  except  in  Central  America  and  southern  Mexico.  See  also 
W.  K.  Moorehead,  Prehistoric  Implements,  p.  288. 


376  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 

chert  implements  were  obtained  on  site  10  and  some  from  other  sites. 
A few  flakes  of  chert  were  found  at  site  67  in  apparent  association 
with  six  different  human  remains,  but  as  the  fragments  were  so  com- 
mon the  association  may  have  been  accidental.  There  is  no  reason 
why  some  of  the  rough  flakes  of  chert  would  not  have  served  as 
scrapers  or  knives  just  as  effectively,  at  least  for  some  uses,  as  the  most 
perfectly  chipped  implements.  Why,  then,  should  the  inhabitants 
have  expended  unnecessary  labor  in  making  the  perfect  implement  for 
daily  purposes,  especially  when  there  was  the  chance  of  breaking  it 
in  use?  Many  just  such  chert  fragments  occur  in  the  mounds  at 
San  Francisco  bay  and  are  described  and  illustrated  by  Uhle.293 

White  Flint. — Twenty  fragments  of  white  flint  were  found  in  asso- 
ciation with  human  remains  no.  1,  and  half  a dozen  fragments  in  other 
situations. 

Obsidian. — Not  a single  fragment  of  obsidian  refuse  was  found 
here  or  anywhere  in  the  whole  Wiyot  area  although  the  great  majority 
of  chipped  implements  were  made  of  obsidian. 

Quartz. — About  a dozen  pebbles  of  quartz  from  the  size  of  small 
bird ’s  eggs  to  that  of  apples,  and  about  forty  fragments,  were  brought 
to  the  museum.  No  use  is  known  for  these,  other  than  as  cooking 
stones  and  hammer  stones. 

Agates. — Four  agates,  an  inch  or  an  inch  and  a half  in  diameter, 
were  found  in  one  place  at  a depth  of  two  feet. 

Sandstone. — Skeleton  no.  1 had  in  association  with  it  an  irregu- 
larly shaped  sandstone  boulder  a foot  in  length,  while  with  no.  19 
were  several  oval  sandstone  boulders  from  five  to  nine  inches  in 
diameter.  If  the  latter  had  been  a little  larger,  they  might  have  been 
considered  material  brought  to  the  mound  for  making  mauls  or  other 
implements.  During  the  field  work  no  particular  attention  was  paid 
to  the  exact  number  of  cooking  stones,  pebbles,  and  fragments  of 
sandstone.  Only  a dozen  were  brought  to  the  museum,  but  it  is 
not  probable  that  many  were  left  behind. 

Steatite. — Less  than  a dozen  small  stones  and  stone  fragments  are 
doubtfully  considered  to  be  steatite.  Positive  identification  by 
scratching  with  a knife  is  difficult  because  the  stone  becomes  so  hard- 
ened by  fire  that  it  loses  its  original  characteristics.  About  half  of 
the  stones  identified  as  steatite  were  in  association  with  human 
remains.  Probably  no  example  of  this  material  escaped  the  notice  of 
the  writer  while  in  the  field. 


293  Max  Uhle,  present  series,  vn,  61,  pi.  6,  1907. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  377 


Objects  of  Clay 

The  objects  made  of  clay  include  part  of  a clay  pipe  and  137 
elliptical  balls.  Their  distribution  in  the  mound  can  be  determined 
by  referring  to  tables  5 and  6. 

Clay  Pipe. — In  association  with  human  remains  no.  19,  there  was 
a fragment  of  a clay  pipe  (pi.  20,  fig.  4),  48  mm.  in  length  and  31  mm. 
in  diameter.  The  bowl  has  been  baked  to  a good  degree  of  hardness, 
is  symmetrical,  and  has  a maximum  inside  diameter  of  15  mm.  and 
a depth  of  25  mm.  The  inside  of  the  bowl  is  blackened,  while  the 
outside  is  blackened  and  polished  in  places  as  if  it  had  seen  use;  yet 
the  fractured  end  is  crumbly,  and  adjacent  to  the  fracture  was  an 
irregular  mass  of  clay  scarcely  baked  at  all.  One  side  of  the  unbaked 
clay  was  adhering  to  a rib.  The  nearest  locality  where  even  the 
crudest  of  pottery  is  known  to  have  been  made  is  in  the  vicinity  of 
Fresno,  nearly  400  miles  to  the  south-southeast  of  Humboldt  bay.294 

Elliptical  Clay  Balls. — Four  different  forms  of  elliptical  clay  balls 
are  illustrated  in  plate  20.  There  were  a total  of  137  of  these,  count- 
ing a few  in  more  or  less  fragmentary  condition:  92  in  association 
with  human  remains,  and  45  scattered  throughout  the  trench  at  depths 
ranging  between  1 and  5y2  feet. 

Plate  20,  figure  2,  shows  the  type  which  is  most  common.  The 
most  remarkable  thing  about  this  type  is  that  there  are  so  many 
specimens  having  nearly  the  same  size  and  shape,  with  just  enough 
individuality  to  prove  that  they  were  not  pressed  in  a mold.  As 
already  mentioned  on  page  348,  these  clay  balls  furnish  some  possible 
evidence  as  to  the  age  of  the  mound.  Plence,  they  will  be  described  in 
considerable  detail. 

* In  association  with  human  remains  no.  14  there  were  56  specimens,  which  have 
an  average  length  of  45  mm.  while  the  variation  in  length  is  only  3 mm.  (43—46). 
To  this  number  could  be  added  9 fragmentary  specimens,  also  found  with 
remains  no. . 14,  which  probably  had  a similar  length  before  being  broken.  Of 
these  specimens,  50  complete  ones  showed  a difference  in  weight,  between  the 
largest  and  smallest,  of  only  4.4  grams,  the  average  weight  being  34.4  grams. 

With  human  remains  no.  12  were  12  balls  whose  average  length  is  45  mm. 
and  whose  extreme  variation  is  only  2 mm.  However,  though  the  length  of  these 
specimens  averages  the  same  as  the  preceding,  their  weight  was  somewhat  less, 
averaging  29.5  grams. 

There  was  a like  specimen  with  remains  no.  19  and  another  with  no.  15. 

The  balls  found  with  human  remains  are  with  but  few  exceptions  of  a black 
color,  very  hard,  and  in  perfect  condition.  Those  scattered  through  the  trench 

294  Paul  Schumacher,  Ann.  Rep.  Smithson.  Inst.  1873,  p.  354  (1874)  found  a 
fragment  of  a clay  pipe  at  Chetko,  Oregon,  eighty-five  miles  north  of  Humboldt 
bay. 


378 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


are  seldom  black,  but  usually  reddish  or  yellowish,  are  less  perfectly  baked,  and 
are  more  frequently  in  a fragmentary  condition.  However,  there  seem  to  be  16 
of  the  scattered  specimens  which  should  be  considered  as  being  of  the  same  size 
and  form  as  the  one  shown  in  figure  2.  This  makes  a total  of  95  specimens  having 
the  same  form  and  nearly  the  same  size,  found  at  depths  ranging  from  1 to  5 % 
feet.  All  of  these  are  such  close  duplicates  that  one  could  not  be  distinguished 
from  another  except  by  color  and  by  the  closest  inspection  and  measurement  with 
calipers. 

One  other  elliptical  clay  ball,  from  a depth  of  3^  feet,  is  of  the 
same  form  as  figure  2,  but  is  just  enough  larger  than  those  described 
— 49  mm.  in  length  and  42.2  grams  in  weight — to  give  it  a distinct 
individuality  in  appearance. 

Figure  3 shows  a second  type  of  clay  ball,  differing  from  the  form 
just  described  in  having  pointed  instead  of  rounded  ends.  There  are 
only  three  or  four  specimens  of  this  type.  These  were  found  at  depths 
of  3 y2  to  5%  feet.  The  one  illustrated  is  the  most  perfect  specimen 
and  is  54  mm.  in  length. 

Figure  1 shows  a clay  ball  much  smaller  in  size  than  the  types 
already  described.  There  are  fifteen  specimens  comparable  in  size 
with  the  one  illustrated.  Four  of  these  were  in  association  with 
human  remains  no.  14,  one  with  no.  10,  and  one  with  no.  12.  These 
fifteen  varied  somewhat  in  form,  some  having  pointed  ends,  and  some 
blunt  ends.  There  is  also  a considerable  variation  in  length,  the  range 
being  from  29  mm.  to  38  mm. 

Figure  5 shows  the  smallest  specimen  of  clay  ball,  which  is  23  mm. 
long  and  has  a more  oval  form  than  the  types  previously  described. 
There  are  two  other  specimens  similar  in  size  and  shape,  all  found 
at  the  depth  of  about  three  feet. 

Robert  Gunther  has  obtained  elliptical  clay  balls  at  site  68.  He 
stated  that  he  had  heard  an  Indian  describe  a game  which  was  playad 
with  them,  but  he  had  forgotten  the  account.295 

The  writer  has  obtained  two  globular  clay  balls,  34  mm.  in 
diameter,  and  one  elliptical  clay  ball,  44  mm.  in  length,  shaped  much 
like  figure  1,  from  a cave  near  Humboldt  lake  in  Nevada.  According 
to  a member  of  the  Winnemucca  band  of  Indians  a game  with  clay 
balls  was  formerly  played,  one  party  burying  them  in  sand  while  the 
opposing  party  guessed  their  position.  A similar  game  at  Humboldt 
bay  might  account  for  some  of  the  streaks  of  sand  found  in  the 
mound. 

295  The  Indians  of  Smith  river  and  Bogue  river  region  have  a guessing  game 
“played  with  small  clay  balls. ” Ida  Pfeiffer,  A Lady’s  Second  Journey  Round 
the  World  (New  York,  Harper,  1856),  p.  318. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  379 


In  the  Trask  collection  from  San  Nicolas  island,  southern  Califor- 
nia, there  are  about  thirty  objects  of  sandstone,  35  mm.  to  75  mm. 
in  length.  There  is  much  variety  of  form,  but  two  or  three  specimens 
quite  closely  approach  in  shape  and  size  some  of  the  clay  balls  from 
Humboldt  bay.  There  are  also  sling  shots  from  Guam,  made  of  coral 
limestone,  which  resemble  the  clay  balls  from  Humboldt  bay.  How- 
ever, in  both  these  cases  the  resemblance  is  in  appearance  only. 

At  the  University  museum  there  is  an  outfit  consisting  of  a sling 
made  of  tule  ( Scirpus  sp.)  and  twenty-four  partially  baked  globular 
mud  balls  (Mus.  no.  1-10604)  such  as  were  formerly  used  by  the 
Porno  Indians  of  Lake  county  in  killing  ducks  and  mud  hens.  The 
set  is  a model  made  to  order  by  an  Indian  living  on  Lower  lake.  A 
dozen  of  these  specimens  are  quite  uniform  in  size,  with  a variation 
of  only  4 mm.  in  diameter,  the  average  being  41  mm.  The  remaining 
balls  are  much  more  variable  in  size  and  though  fairly  symmetrical 
are  not  perfectly  globular.  There  is  a range  in  the  weight  of  the 
twenty-four  specimens  of  from  55  to  75  grams.  Not  only  was  there 
much  less  skill  used  in  fashioning  them  than  those  found  at  Humboldt 
bay,  but  to  all  appearances  they  were  so  slightly  baked  that  they 
would  disintegrate  if  placed  in  water.  The  collector,  S.  A.  Barrett, 
states  in  the  museum  catalogue  that  these  balls  are  made  of  a whitish 
earth  slightly  baked  near,  not  in,  the  fire,  and  that  they  were  made 
in  only  a few  places  in  Porno  territory.  He  also  states  that  toys  of 
various  shapes  modelled  from  clay  or  adobe  and  dried  in  the  sun  were 
much  used  by  Porno  children  in  aboriginal  times.  On  the  whole,  it  can 
be  said  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  Porno  ever  made  anything 
that  even  approached  pottery,  nor  do  the  clay  balls  of  the  Porno 
Indians  in  any  way  resemble  those  at  Humboldt  bay. 

The  museum,  furthermore,  has  over  two  hundred  clay  objects  from 
an  earth  mound  near  Stockton,  California.  These  are  mostly  roughly 
globular,  averaging  about  two  inches  in  diameter.  They  are  made  of 
very  poor  sandy  clay  and  imperfectly  baked.  A minority  are  dotted 
or  incised  with  crude,  simple  patterns.  What  their  use  could  have  been 
can  hardly  be  determined.  If  they  were  only  a little  firmer  in  texture, 
they  might  have  served  to  take  the  place  of  stones  in  cooking,  but 
to  all  appearances  they  would  have  disintegrated  more  or  less  if  placed 
in  water.  There  are  no  stones  on  the  San  Joaquin  delta,  but  one 
would  think  that  enough  for  cooking  purposes  could  have  been 
brought  from  a distance.  Professor  W.  H.  Holmes  has  mentioned 
these  articles  from  the  Stockton  pounds,  saying  that  “there  are  many 


380 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


objects  of  baked  clay,  globular,  discoid,  dumb-bell  shaped,  etc.,  some 
of  which  may  have  served  for  use  in  slings/7296  To  this  we  would  say 
that  most  of  them  seem  to  be  too  heavy. 

Clarence  B.  Moore  has  also  illustrated  and  described  clay  balls 
from  Louisiana  and  southern  Utah.  Those  from  Utah  were  called 
gambling  cones  by  the  collector.297 

Ferruginous  Clays  and  Paint. — The  beds  of  half  baked  clay  of 
poor  quality,  found  beneath  human  remains  nos.  3 and  20,  have  already 
been  mentioned  on  page  346.  Some  streaks  in  these  beds,  of  a less 
sandy  character  than  others,  were  baked  to  an  orange  red  color,  and 
could  be  pounded  and  used  as  paint.  An  ounce  or  two  of  ochre  found 
at  a depth  of  5^  feet  was  in  part  of  a cream  color  and  in  part  baked 
to  an  orange  red  color.  A flat,  disk  shaped  lump,  12  mm.  in  diameter, 
of  an  orange  red  color,  found  at  the  depth  of  two  feet,  might  have 
been  paint.  As  no  paint  was  found  in  association  with  human  re- 
mains, all  these  cases  may  be  considered  as  doubtful  indications  of  its 
use.  Probably  the  paint-like  material  was  obtained  together  with  the 
coarse  clay  as  a mere  accident.  These  baked  clays  are  always  of  an 
orange  color,  never  the  bright  red  characteristic  of  the  ochre  (ferrous 
oxide,  Fe203)  which  is  so  commonly  found  with  human  remains  at 
San  Francisco  bay. 

From  the  shape  of  some  pieces  of  clay,  it  would  appear  that  this 
material  was  sometimes  used  to  batten  the  cracks  between  house 
planks. 


Objects  of  Horn 

The  objects  made  of  horn  include  thirty  wedges  and  five  harpoon 
heads.  None  of  these  were  in  association  with  human  remains. 

Wedges. — Wedges  were  found  scattered  throughout  the  trench 
at  all  depths  to  5%  feet-  There  are  two  main  types.  The  first  type, 
represented  by  eighteen  specimens,  has  the  horn  split  and  then 
smoothed  off  on  the  inner  side  so  as  to  form  a bevel.  Most  examples 
are  rather  short.  Plate  21,  figure  6,  shows  one  of  the  smallest  speci- 
mens, while  figure  4 shows  the  longest  piece  of  this  type.  All  of  these 
are  quite  certainly  wedges,  because  the  fibers  of  horn  at  the  butt  end 
of  the  wedges  have  been  broken  and  bent  to  one  side  by  repeated 
blows. 

296  w.  EL  Holmes,  Ann.  Eep.  Smithson.  Inst.  1900,  p.  177,  pis.  26-28. 

297  C.  B.  Moore,  Some  Aboriginal  Sites  in  Louisiana  and  in  Alabama,  Jour. 
Acad.  Nat.  Sci.,  Phila.,  xvi,  16,  43,  72,  73,  pi.  2,  1913. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  381 

The  second  type  is  represented  by  ten  specimens.  The  tip  of  the 
horn  is  used,  being  as  a rule  bevelled  only  on  one  side,  the  other  side 
not  needing  any  artificial  bevelling  because  of  the  natural  curvature  of 
the  horn.  In  two  cases  small  sized  wedges  are  equally  bevelled  on  both 
sides.  There  is  a variation  in  length  of  from  77  mm.  to  230  mm. 

Most  of  the  horn  from  which  wedges  are  made  is  probably  elk 
antler,  but  some  of  the  smaller  specimens  may  be  deer  horn.  The  elk- 
horn  wedge  of  the  second  type  described  above  was  quite  common 
among  the  modern  Indians  of  northwestern  California.  It  was  used 
in  splitting  out  house  planks.  Essentially  similar  wedges  from  Emery- 
ville shellmound  are  illustrated  on  plate  8,  figures  1 to  3,  in  volume  7 
of  the  present  series. 

Harpoon  Hoads—  There  are  two  types  of  harpoon  heads.  The 
first  type  is  represented  by  three  specimens,  two  found  at  depths  of 
about  three  feet  and  the  third  obtained  somewhere  in  the  upper  two 
feet  when  the  sides  of  the  trench  were  undercut.  Two  of  the  three 
are  somewhat  incomplete,  but  appear  to  be  of  the  same  form  as  the  one 
shown  on  plate  21,  figure  3,  although  slightly  smaller.  The  object 
illustrated  has  a maximum  thickness  of  16  mm.  and  a length  of 
163  mm.  to  which  should  be  added  8 or  10  mm.  for  the  broken  point. 
Whether  the  Indians  at  Humboldt  bay,  either  ancient  or  modern, 
engaged  to  any  great  extent  in  seal  hunting  is  not  known.  A more 
likely  use  to  which  these  harpoon  heads  were  put  was  in  spearing 
what  are  popularly  termed  sharks,  a kind  of  dog-fish.  During  the 
early  years  of  the  white  settlement  these  fish  were  so  numerous  that 
twenty  to  thirty  boats,  two  men  per  boat,  found  it  a profitable  business 
to  spear  them  for  their  oil.298 

A second  type  of  harpoon  (pi.  21,  figs.  12 a,  12 b)  is  represented  by 
two  barbs  of  horn  found  at  depths  of  1 and  3^4  feet-  This  kind  of 
harpoon  head  was  used  for  spearing  salmon  by  the  modern  Indians 
of  the  Klamath  and  Trinity  rivers.299  In  the  modem  harpoon  the 
point  is  made  of  bone  three  or  four  inches  long,  at  the  upper  end  of 
which  are  adjusted  two  barbs  made  of  bone  identical  in  every  respect 
to  those  found  at  Humboldt  bay.  The  barbs  and  bone  point  are 
wrapped  with  twine  made  of  iris  fiber  and  covered  with  pitch.  The 
barb  illustrated  has  a length  of  72  mm. 


398  gan  Francisco  Bulletin,  July  3,  1857 ; April  28,  1858. 
299  p.  E.  Goddard,  present  series,  i,  25,  pi.  13,  fig.  4,  1903. 


382  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


Objects  of  Bone 

There  were  eighty- three  objects  of  bone  obtained,  nineteen  in 
association  with  human  remains,  and  sixty-four  scattered  throughout 
the  trench.  Nearly  half  of  the  objects  are  gouges  or  skin  dressers. 
Other  specimens  include  adze  blades,  awls,  whistles,  beads,  head 
scratchers,  a harpoon  head,  and  miscellaneous  or  fragmentary  objects. 
Table  9 shows  the  number  and  distribution  of  each  of  these  classes 
of  objects. 

Bone  Gouges. — Scattered  through  the  trench  at  all  depths  to  eight 
feet,  were  thirty-one  bone  objects,  all  more  or  less  fragmentary,  which 
we  designate  as  gouges.  In  addition  to  these  there  were  eight  in 
association  with  human  remains.  Every  one  of  these,  so  far  as  the 
fragmentary  condition  warrants  an  opinion,  was  made  by  splitting 
the  proximal  end  of  the  cannon  bone  of  the  elk.  One  specimen  is 
shown  in  plate  21,  figure  1.  There  were  only  seven  specimens  which 
showed  the  original  length  of  the  implement.  The  length  of  these 
varied  from  112  mm.  to  160  mm. 

A narrow  type  of  gouge  represented  by  four  specimens,  one  with 
human  remains  no.  20,  the  other  at  depths  of  %,  2 y2,  and  feet, 
is  also  made  from  the  proximal  end  of  the  cannon  bone.  Two  speci- 
mens are  shown  on  plate  21,  figures  2 and  7. 

Adze  Blades. — There  were  only  five  objects,  made  from  the  larger 
limb  bones  of  what  is  probably  the  elk,  which  are  somewhat  doubtfully 
classed  as  adze  blades.  These  were  found  at  depths  down  to  3%  feet. 
Plate  21,  figures  14  and  15,  show  two  specimens.  All  of  the  pieces 
are  more  or  less  broken  or  dulled  from  constant  use  near  the  cutting 
edge.  The  upper  end  in  every  case  has  been  cut  off  square.  The 
length  varies  from  65  mm.  to  90  mm.  The  Yurok  Indians  generally 
used  the  large  mussel  shell  for  adze  blades. 

Awls.— Two  of  the  eight  awls  found  were  made  by  splitting  the 
proximal  end  of  the  cannon  bone.  These  were  originally  probably 
very  long,  but  they  are  now  too  fragmentary  to  be  illustrated.  One 
awl  was  made  from  the  humerus  of  a bird  (pi.  21,  fig.  8).  The  bones 
from  which  the  others  were  made  could  not  be  identified.  None  of 
the  awls  were  of  excellent  workmanship,  except  the  one  shown  on 
plate  21,  figure  9. 

Three  sting-ray  barbs  were  found  at  depths  of  four  and  five 
feet.  Whether  or  not  these  had  been  used  as  implements  can  not  be 
stated.  They  have  been  found  in  San  Francisco  bay  shellmounds  in 
association  with  human  remains. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  383 


Whistles. — The  four  whistles  found  in  association  with  human 
remains  had  been  calcined  and  are  more  or  less  fragmentary.  Two 
specimens  with  human  remains  no.  9,  as  also  the  two  shown  on  plate  20, 
figures  10  and  11,  were  made  from  the  ulnae  of  large  birds  like  the 
pelican  or  crane.  Both  of  the  latter  had  marks  of  incision  made  for 
decorative  purposes.  Figure  11  shows  a design  quite  commonly  made 
on  bone  objects  from  the  Klamath  river  (cf.  figs.  15,  16,  and  17  of 
the  same  plate). 

Bird  Bone  Beads. — Plate  20,  figure  6,  shows  a bead  29  mm.  long 
with  some  slight  decorative  incisions.  It  was  found  at  a depth  of 
only  six  inches.  A second  bead,  made  from  the  limb  bone  of  a bird, 
was  found  at  a depth  of  1%  feet  and  has  a length  of  65  mm. 

Head  Scratchers. — There  are  at  the  museum  half  a dozen  thin,  flat, 
bone  objects  from  the  Klamath  river  region  catalogued  as  head 
scratchers  and  louse  killers.  Plate  20,  figures  15  and  17,  shows  two 
of  these  objects  obtained  from  the  Yurok  Indians.  They  have  a thick- 
ness of  4 mm.  and  bear  a decorative  design  characteristic  of  the  region. 
Another  specimen  is  described  and  illustrated  by  Goddard,300  who  states 
that  girls  at  the  age  of  puberty  are  placed  under  restrictions  for 
a period  of  ten  days  in  regard  to  food,  drink,  and  conduct.  In 
order  to  avoid  touching  her  face  or  hair  with  her  hands  during  this 
period,  a girl  is  given  a piece  of  bone,  which  she  wears  suspended  from 
her  neck.  Five  objects  which  bear  some  resemblance  to  these  head 
scratchers  were  obtained  in  the  excavation  on  Gunther  island.  One 
is  only  a very  small  fragment.  The  others  are  shown  on  plate  20, 
figures  7,  12,  13,  and  14.  All  are  very  thin,  being  only  3 mm.  in 
thickness  at  most,  and  all  except  the  one  shown  in  figure  14  are  flat 
on  one  side. 

Figure  14  may  be  a hair  pin  (compare  with  figure  16  from  the 
Klamath  river),  although  it  differs  in  form  from  the  specimens  pre- 
viously obtained  from  this  region,  all  of  them  being  double  pointed 
and  varying  in  length  from  80  mm.  to  112  mm.  The  piece  shown  in 
figure  14  is  single  pointed  and  has  a length  of  73  mm.  Some  of  the 
hair  pins  from  the  Klamath  river  are  perforated  in  the  center. 

Harpoon  Heads. — One  bone  harpoon  head  in  a fragmentary  con- 
dition was  obtained  at  a depth  of  2^4  feet  (pi.  21,  fig.  13).  It  seems 
not  to  be  essentially  different  from  the  seal  or  shark  harpoons  made 
of  horn,  except  that  it  is  much  smaller.  A second  fragmentary  speci- 
men, with  the  same  form  as  shown  in  the  upper  portion  of  figure  3, 
is  also  considered  to  be  part  of  a harpoon  head. 


3oo  ibid.,  i,  53,  pi.  10,  fig.  4,  1903. 


384 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Various  Bone  Objects. — In  the  table  of  bone  artifacts  (no.  9) 
other  miscellaneous  objects  are  listed.  These  include  five  specimens 
of  cannon  bones,  probably  from  the  elk,  and  six  specimens  of  the  limb 
bones  of  birds.  Each  of  these  has  had  one  end  cut  off  as  the  first 
stage  in  the  manufacture  of  some  article.  Among  the  remaining 
miscellaneous  objects  was  a knife-like  fragment  of  bone  with  human 
remains  no.  3,  and  two  objects  shown  on  plate  20.  Figure  9 has  some 
resemblance  to  a bead,  but  as  it  is  solid,  it  could  not  be  strung. 
Figures  8 a and  8 b give  two  views  of  a unique  perforated  bone  object 
found  at  a depth  of  4%  feet.  The  fragment  has  a length  of  55  mm., 
a width  of  26  mm.,  and  a thickness  of  11  mm.  Its  use  is  wholly  prob- 
lematical. 


Objects  of  Shell 

In  table  10  every  occurrence  of  the  rarer  species  of  shells  is  given, 
whether  in  an  artifact  or  not,  so  long  as  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
the  specimen  was  intentionally  left  with  the  dead.  Thus  one  pecten 
shell,  Hinnites  giganteus,  with  skeleton  no.  19,  and  another  with 
no.  14,  are  not  artifacts,  yet  they  were  in  undoubted  association  with 
the  interments.  This  was  one  of  the  rarest  species  found  in  the 
mound,  occurring  only  thrice.  The  third  example  was  found  on  the 
surface. 

Dentalium. — Dentalium  preciosum  is  a species  of  univalve  living  in 
the  waters  of  Puget  sound  and  northward,  but  so  difficult  to  obtain 
that  it  was  used  as  money  by  the  Pacific  Coast  Indians  from  California 
northward.  From  the  modern  Yurok  of  the  Klamath,  its  native 
name,  allicochick,  has  been  introduced  into  the  English  language  of 
the  region  to  about  the  same  extent  that  in  other  parts  of  America  the 
Algonkin  name,  wampum,  has  come  to  be  understood  as  denoting  shell 
beads.  The  small  number  of  dentalia  obtained  in  excavation  on 
Gunther  island  may  perhaps  indicate  that,  in  prehistoric  times,  trade 
relations  with  the  north  were  not  so  extensive  as  within  the  past  cen- 
tury. With  skeleton  no.  1 there  were  half  a dozen  small  fragments, 
insufficient  to  make  two  complete  shells.  With  remains  no.  9 two  small 
fragments  were  found.  With  no.  19  there  were  four  complete  shells 
and  eighteen  fragments.  The  complete  shells  have  lengths  of  only 
32,  33,  37,  and  42  mm.,  and  hence  are  not  to  be  considered  as  having 
had  great  value,  this  being  gauged  according  to  length.  Some  of  the 
specimens  showed  incisions,  the  designs  of  which  are  shown  in  text 
figure  6.  Four  of  the  shells  are  shown  as  they  would  appear  if  split 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  385 


lengthwise  on  one  side  and  then  flattened  ont.  Three  specimens  showed 
a design  like  that  in  figure  6 a,  and  two  specimens  like  that  in  figure 
6d.  Most  of  the  dentalium  shells  among  the  Yurok  of  the  Klamath 
river  are  decorated  with  pitch,  snake  skin,  sinew,  and  feathers,  while 
but  few  bear  any  marks  of  incision.  However,  one  specimen  at  the 
museum  has  a design  like  that  in  figure  6a. 


Fig.  6.  Incised  designs  on  dentalium  shells  found  with  human  remains  no.  19. 
Mus.  no.  1-18243.  Natural  size. 

Fig.  7a.  Drawing  showing  perforations  made  in  pine  nuts  for  stringing. 
These  beads  were  found  in  a carbonized  condition  with  cremated  human  remains. 

Fig.  7b.  Drawing  of  a strand  from  a modern  skirt  from  the  Klamath  river 
region,  showing  the  same  species  of  pine  nut  with  identical  perforations.  Mus. 
no.  1-2333.  Natural  size. 

Abalone. — With  human  remains  no.  7 there  were  two  rectangular 
pendants  of  abalone  shell,  almost  identical  in  size,  103  mm.  by  45  mm. 
(pi.  21,  fig.  10).  They  were  resting  upon  the  clavicles.  Body  no.  18 
had  two  pendants,  one  of  which  is  shown  on  plate  21,  figure  11.  Re- 
mains no.  11  also  had  an  abalone  pendant.  There  was  an  ounce  or 
two  of  abalone  fragments  with  bodies  nos.  9,  19,  and  13.  With  the 
exception  of  one  piece  of  abalone  on  the  surface  of  the  mound  and 
the  pieces  just  enumerated,  no  further  traces  of  abalone  were  found. 


386 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Olive  Shell  Beads. — With  interment  no.  10  there  was  half  a pint 
of  medium  sized  beads  of  Olivella  biplicata.  Bodies  no.  1 and  19  had 
a smaller  quantity  of  small  beads,  while  nos.  9 and  11  had  only  one  or 
two  beads.  All  of  the  beads  consisted  of  the  whole  shell  with  a per- 
foration at  one  end.  Apart  from  the  human  remains  five  olive 
shells  were  found  at  various  depths  down  to  six  feet.  Of  these,  three 
had  been  perforated  so  as  to  make  beads. 

Carbonized  Articles 

Pine  Nut  Beads. — With  each  of  the  bodies,  nos.  18  and  13,  there 
were  over  two  pints  of  carbonized  pine  nut  beads.  Smaller  amounts 
of  the  same  bead  were  found  with  six  other  human  remains.  The 
shell  of  each  nut  has  a perforation  in  the  larger  end  and  another  in 
the  side  through  which  a string  could  pass  (see  text  fig.  la).  Nut 
beads  of  the  same  species,  Pinus  sabiniana,301  are  found  on  the  skirts 
of  Hupa  and  Yurok  women,  and  are  illustrated  in  volume  1,  present 
series,  plate  8,  figure  2.  In  this  illustration,  however,  the  nuts  are 
perforated  at  both  ends.  In  another  skirt  from  the  Klamath  river 
region  (Mus.  no.  1-2333),  strands  of  string  are  covered  with  nuts 
bored  like  those  from  Gunther  island.  The  manner  in  which  the 
nuts  are  arranged  upon  the  string  is  shown  in  text  figure  lb.  Though 
these  skirts  are  a part  of  the  female  attire,  it  is  not  necessary  to  con- 
sider all  the  interments  with  pine  nut  beads  as  being  the  remains  of 
females.  A reference  to  table  5 and  table  10  would  show  that  about 
seventy-three  per  cent  of  all  artifacts  were  with  the  bodies  which  also 
had  pine  nut  beads. 

Virburnum  Seed  Beads. — Skirts  or  aprons  from  the  Klamath 
river  region  are  often  decorated  with  a small  black  nutlet,  Viburnum 
ellipticum.  These  are  illustrated  by  Goddard  (present  series,  i,  pi.  8, 
fig.  1).  The  same  kind  of  beads  were  found  in  a carbonized  condition 
at  Gunther  island  with  bodies  1,  9,  and  19. 

Basketry. — Some  small  fragments  of  twined  basketry  were  found 
carbonized  in  association  with  human  remains  no.  9.  A considerable 
quantity  of  light,  porous  slag  along  with  the  basketry  may  indicate 
that  food  had  been  burnt  with  the  dead. 

301  The  nuts  upon  Hupa  and  Yurok  skirts  as  well  as  the  nuts  from  Gunther 
island  are  large,  being  sometimes  a full  inch  in  length,  and  in  consequence  can 
not  belong  to  Pinus  attenuata  (synonymous  with  P.  tuberculata) , as  stated  by 
P.  E.  Goddard  (present  series,  i,  20),  as  this  species  produces  very  small  nuts  and 
is  limited  in  its  range,  so  far  as  the  Klamath  river  region  is  concerned,  to  the 
tops  of  the  highest  mountains  east  of  Trinity  river — a distance  of  nearly  fifty 
miles  from  Humboldt  bay.  On  the  other  hand,  P.  sabiniana  ranges  westward 
as  far  as  the  redwood  belt. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  387 


OBJECTS  FROM  VARIOUS  SITES 

Nearly  one  hundred  artifacts  were  obtained  from  the  surface  of 
the  ground  at  the  surf-fishing  camps,  sites  10,  11,  12,  and  13,  while 
thirty  objects  were  obtained  as  gifts  from  the  owners  of  the  land  on 
which  various  other  sites  are  located.  These  objects  show  some  differ- 
ences from  those  obtained  at  site  67. 


SURF-FISHING  CAMPS 

Mention  has  already  been  made  on  page  279  of  the  large  quantities 
of  chert  refuse  found  at  the  surf-fishing  camps.  Thirty-seven  more 
or  less  fragmentary  chipped  implements  were  found  on  site  10  in 
this  refuse.  Thirty-four  of  these  were  made  of  reddish  brown  or 
greenish  chert.  Over  half  are  very  small  fragments  or  incompletely 
worked  specimens.  While  chipped  implements  were  found  only  on 
the  patches  of  ground  designated  as  site  10,  other  objects  of  sand- 
stone were  found  at  all  of  the  surf -fishing  camps. 

Scrapers. — There  were  five  scrapers  similar  in  shape  to  that  shown 
on  plate  15,  figure  3.  A second  form  of  scraper,  represented  by  one 
specimen  of  chert  and  one  of  white  flint,  is  shown  on  the  same  plate 
in  figure  1.  Figure  2 shows  a specimen  made  of  black  obsidian 
streaked  with  red.  It  was  the  only  Specimen  of  obsidian  found  at  the 
surf -fishing  camps,  there  being  nowhere  even  a fragment  of  obsidian 
refuse.  This  specimen  can  be  considered  as  either  a scraper  or  a 
knife.  Its  edges  are  worn  quite  smooth  by  long  use. 

Drill. — A drill  made  of  greenish  chert  and  having  an  exceedingly 
attenuated  point  is  shown  on  plate  15,  figure  14. 

Arrow  Points. — Three  arrow  points  of  chert  are  shown  on  plate  15, 
figures  4,  7,  and  8.  Another  specimen  had  a single  notch  in  the  base 
as  shown  in  the  piece  from  Gunther  island,  illustrated  on  plate  14, 
figure  6.  Plate  15,  figure  6,  shows  an  arrow  point  made  of  white 
translucent  chalcedony,  while  figure  8 shows  one  made  of  a mottled 
brown  and  gray  chert.  The  latter  is  of  a form  having  extra  long  barbs 
and  serrated  edges,  such  as  are  more  commonly  found  at  site  34. 

Sinkers. — Forty-two  elliptical  or  disk-shaped  sinkers  were  found 
at  the  surf -fishing  camps.  All  but  one  or  two  were  made  of  sandstone, 
and  were  in  general  of  about  the  same  size  as  those  already  described 
from  Gunther  island  (pi.  17,  fig.  7).  One  of  a larger  size,  112  mm. 
in  longest  diameter,  weighed  7.5  ounces. 


388 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


Hammer  Stones. — There  were  a dozen  oblong  pebbles  of  sandstone, 
varying  from  65  mm.  to  127  mm.  in  length  and  from  5.7  to  16.5  ounces 
in  weight,  which  had  marks  upon  their  ends  showing  that  they  had 
been  used  as  hammer  stones.  One  of  these  is  shown  on  plate  17, 
figure  6. 

Problematical  Stone  Object. — Text  figure  8 shows  an  object  found 
at  the  surf-fishing  camps  by  Dandy  Bill  and  still  in  his  possession. 
The  object  is  about  three  inches  long,  and  is  shaped  much  like  a maul. 
When  questioned,  Dandy  Bill  put  on  an  air  of  mystery  and  stated  that 
he  knew  what  the  object  was,  though  he  declined  to  tell. 

MISCELLANEOUS  SITES 

Stone  Club  from  Site  9. — When  Mr.  Clark  purchased  his  farm  at 
the  bend  of  Mad  river  some  twenty  years  ago,  there  was  a club-like 
stone  object  at  the  farm  buildings  which  presumably  came  from  site  9, 
or  at  least  from  some  of  the  sites  of  that  vicinity.  This  object,  which 
is  shown  in  outline  in  text  figure  9,  has  a length  of  23%  inches  and 
a diameter  at  the  base  of  2%  inches.  It  gradually  tapers  to  within  an 
inch  of  the  top,  where  it  has  a diameter  of  1%  inches  just  below  the 
head,  which  is  2 inches  in  diameter,  and  which  has  a small  mortar-like 
depression  in  the  top.  It  is  not  to  be  considered  a pestle  because  of  its 
slimness,  which  would  cause  it  to  be  easily  broken.  Besides,  the  base 
seems  too  round  to  serve  to  advantage  for  such  a purpose. 

There  is  at  the  museum  a similar  stone  object,  no.  1-14607,  shown 
in  outline  in  text  figure  10.  It  is  28%  inches  long  and  2%  inches  in 
greatest  diameter.  The  upper  part  is  somewhat  elliptical  in  cross- 
section,  having  diameters  of  1%6  and  1%  inches  just  below  the  head. 
There  is  no  sign  on  the  base  of  its  ever  having  been  used  as  a pestle. 
Unfortunately,  the  only  data  we  have  regarding  this  rather  unique 
specimen  is  that  it  is  Californian,  and  forms  part  of  a collection 
obtained  from  such  widely  separated  regions  as  San  Nicolas  island  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  group  and  northwestern  California.  As  it  is  so 
nearly  like  the  object  from  Mad  river,  not  only  in  shape  but  in  the 
texture  of  the  sandstone  material  from  which  it  is  made,  there  is  a 
fair  presumption  that  it  may  also  have  come  from  northwestern  Cali- 
fornia, and  that  both  are  another  form  of  the  ceremonial  war-club  or 
slave-killer.  Text  figure  12  shows  the  outline  of  a medium  sized  pestle, 
while  text  figure  11  shows  the  longest  pestle  in  the  museum’s  collec- 
tions from  northwestern  California,  drawn  to  the  same  scale  as  the 
two  stone  clubs.  These  pestles  are  18%6  and  26%  inches  in  length 


1918  J Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  389 

(see  description,  p.  362).  Moorehead302  gives  an  illustration  of  a 
Pomo  pestle  about  35  inches  long;  hence  it  would  not  be  impossible 
on  the  score  of  length  that  these  two  club-like  objects  are  pestles. 

Pipe  from  Site  27. — Plate  17,  figure  3 a,  shows  the  bowl  of  a pipe 
which  is  made  of  steatite  and  which  was  found  by  the  family  of 
Mr.  W.  J.  Imme  at  site  27.  It  is  similar  to  many  modern  pipes  of  the 


Fig.  8.  Maul  shaped  object  of  unknown  use  found  by  Dandy  Bill  on  site 
10,  11,  or  12.  Two-thirds  natural  size. 

Fig.  9.  Stone  club  from  site  9 (?).  One-tenth  natural  size. 

Fig.  10.  Stone  club  from  California,  exact  provenience  unknown.  No.  1-14607. 
One-tenth  natural  size. 

Fig.  11.  Pestle  from  Weitchpec  on  the  Klamath.  No.  1-11676.  One-tenth 
natural  size. 

Fig.  12.  Pestle  from  Hupa  valley.  No.  1-816.  One-tenth  natural  size. 

Klamath  River  region,  which  have  a bowl  of  steatite  and  a wooden 
stem.  Several  of  these  are  illustrated  in  volume  1,  plate  17,  of  the 
present  series. 

Objects  from  Site  34. — Mr.  C.  S.  Ellis,  who  has  lived  upon  the  land 
occupied  by  site  34  for  twenty-five  years,  has  in  his  possession  a series 
of  articles  obtained  from  this  site.  They  include  several  abalone 
pendants,  seventy  large  red  spherical  glass  beads  each  21  mm.  in 
diameter,  and  over  thirty  arrow  points  made  of  chert  of  varying 
colors,  green,  brown,  red,  drab,  gray,  and  black.  Some,  especially  the 

302  w.  K.  Moorehead,  Prehistoric  Implements,  p.  290. 


O 


n 


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University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


green  ones,  are  transparent.  Others  are  variegated  in  color,  or 
speckled  with  gray  and  black.  Text  figures  13a,  b,  and  c give  the 
outlines  of  several  of  Mr.  Ellis’  arrow  points,  which  are  of  unusually 
thin,  delicate,  beautiful  workmanship,  and  have  extraordinary  long 
barbs.303  Some  pieces  of  this  type  also  have  serrated  edges.  Text 
figure  13d  shows  another  type,  comprising  half  a dozen  specimens, 
which  have  a cruder  finish  and  but  one  notch  in  the  base. 

Objects  from  Site  43—  Mr.  W.  R.  Lindsey  has  found  quite  a num- 
ber of  chert  arrow  points,  scrapers,  and  the  like  at  site  43.  One  of 
these  arrow  points  is  shown  on  plate  15,  figure  10.  It  reveals  a man- 
ner of  hafting  not  very  common  in  the  region. 

Pestle  from  Site  54. — Plate  16,  figure  2,  shows  a crude  pestle, 
220  mm.  in  length,  obtained  from  site  54.  It  was  made  from  a stone 
having  a triangular  cross-section,  being  roughly  pecked  at  the  angles. 

Objects  from  Site  68. — Robert  Gunther  has  obtained  a considerable 
number  of  specimens  from  the  shellmound  at  the  center  of  the  island 
on  which  he  has  his  residence,  as  well  as  from  the  mound  (site  67) 
at  the  northeast  end  of  the  island.  Some  of  these  pieces  are  now  on 
exhibit  in  the  Eureka  Public  Library.  Among  specimens  which  were 
disposed  of  in  other  ways,  and  whose  whereabouts  are  now  unknown, 
were  one  or  two  slave-killers  from  site  68.  A dozen  chipped  imple- 
ments of  chert  from  site  68  were  presented  to  the  University  of 
California.  Of  these,  five  are  scrapers  having  the  same  form  as  is 
shown  in  plate  15,  figure  5 ; five  others  are  drills,  of  which  two  are 
shown  on  the  same  plate,  figures  13  and  15.  Other  objects  found  on 
site  68  include  clay  balls,  as  already  mentioned,  also  a mastodon  tooth 
which  the  Indians  had  doubtless  brought  from  some  of  the  fossil  beds 
of  the  region. 

Clay  Object  from  Site  80. — Plate  17,  figure  4,  shows  an  object  of 
clay  found  by  the  writer  on  site  80.  One  end  is  broken  off,  but  the 
portion  that  remains  has  the  following  dimensions : length  115  mm., 
width  44  mm.,  thickness  21  mm.  It  has  much  the  shape  of  a scythe 
whetstone,  both  sides  being  flat  and  the  edges  rounding.  The  clay 
from  which  it  was  made  contained  a considerable  amount  of  iron, 
which  makes  the  object  very  heavy.  There  is  also  a sufficient  amount 
of  sand  to  give  it  roughness,  so  that  it  is  presumed  to  have  been  an 
abrading  implement. 

303  W.  K.  Moorehead,  among  the  numerous  illustrations  in  his  Stone  Age  in 
North  America,  1910,  shows  thirty  or  forty  similar  specimens  from  Oregon.  As 
the  present  writer  does  not  recollect  seeing  a like  form  elsewhere,  he  is  inclined  to 
regard  it  as  an  Oregonian  type.  If  this  hypothesis  is  correct  the  occurrence  at 
Humboldt  bay  is  only  another  case  of  cultural  relationship  with  the  north. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  391 


Objects  from  Site  99. — This  site,  half  a mile  from  Hooktown  slough 
and  at  an  elevation  of  about  200  feet  above  sea  level,  furnishes  arrow 
points  at  every  plowing.  Text  figure  14  shows  the  outline  of  an  adze 
handle  which  is  in  the  Golden  Gate  Park  Memorial  Museum,  San 
Francisco  (no.  4619.L.),  and  which  from  the  data  with  the  specimen 
undoubtedly  came  from  site  99  or  its  near  vicinity.  The  handle  has 
an  extraordinary  curve,  and  is  made  of  finely  polished  sandstone. 
Altogether,  this  is  the  finest  specimen  of  its  kind  the  writer  has  seen. 


Fig.  13.  Arrow  points  from  site  34.  Collection  of  Mr.  C.  S.  Ellis.  One-half 
natural  size. 

Fig.  14.  Adze  handle  from  site  99  (?).  Memorial  Museum,  San  Francisco, 
no.  4619.L.  One-quarter  natural  size. 

Fig.  15.  Stone  club  from  Scotia.  Memorial  Museum,  San  Francisco,  no. 
4622.L.  One-quarter  natural  size. 

Objects  from  Site  106. — Mr.  William  Phelan  has  plowed  out  a 
considerable  number  of  chipped  implements  from  site  106.  Two 
specimens  of  red  chert  are  long  enough  to  be  spear  points.  One, 
having  an  original  length  of  about  105  mm.  before  being  broken,  is 
shown  on  plate  15,  figure  9.  A smaller  object  of  brown  chert,  48  mm. 
in  length,  which  might  be  either  a spear  point  or  an  arrow  point,  is 
shown  on  the  same  plate,  figure  11.  This  is  the  only  location  in  Wiyot 
territory  where  spear  points  are  known  to  have  been  found. 

War-club  from  Scotia. — Text  figure  15  shows  the  outline  of  an 
implement  of  sandstone  from  Scotia,  probably  from  the  Sinkyone 
Indian  village  site  given  in  the  list  of  geographical  names  as  tokene- 


392 


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woLok.  The  object  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Memorial  Museum,  San 
Francisco  (no.  4622.l).  Part  has  been  broken  off,  but  the  remaining 
portion  has  the  following  dimensions:  length  245  mm.,  width  79  mm., 
greatest  thickness  24  mm.  It  is  not  essentially  different  from  the 
implements  from  the  Klamath  river  region  usually  designated  as 
war-clnbs. 

Ceremonial  Stone  Object. — One  spear  point  (pi.  15,  fig.  12),  whose 
original  length  was  probably  about  58  mm.,  made  of  green  chert,  was 
presented  to  the  writer  by  Dandy  Bill,  who  did  not  remember  where 
he  got  it.  He  said  that  his  father  used  to  make  chipped  implements 
but  none  of  this  kind,  which  is  called  swutsuk  and  is  never  made  by 
Indians.  The  ground  has  pains,  siluk,  as  people  have  them,  and  then 
the  swutsuk  come  up  out  of  the  earth.304 


SUMMARY  AND  CONCLUSION 

The  people  speaking  the  Wiyot  language,  probably  numbering 
about  1000  souls  in  1850,  occupied  in  historic  times  about  465  square 
miles  of  territory  about  the  shores  of  Humboldt  bay  and  the  lower 
courses  of  Mad  and  Eel  rivers.  Of  this  former  population  there  were 
left  at  the  time  of  the  1910  census  58  full  blood  Wiyot,  13  persons 
partly  Wiyot  and  partly  of  other  Indian  blood,  and  81  individuals 
partly  Wiyot  and  partly  of  white  blood,305  making  a total  of  152. 
As  there  are  only  11  persons  of  full  Wiyot  blood  under  the  age  of 
twenty,  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  group  will  shortly  be  absorbed 
into  the  white  population.  At  the  present  time  all  members  of  the 
tribe  are  held  in  quite  general  respect  and  esteem,  being,  to  say  the 
least,  of  fully  average  morality,  industry,  and  intelligence.  In  fact, 
there  are  but  two  persons  of  Wiyot  blood  between  the  ages  of  ten  and 
forty  who  are  illiterate.306 

Because  of  the  dense  forest  environment,  the  principal  food  in  Ihe 
past  was  neither  vegetable  nor  game,  but  fish  and  mollusks.  As  the 

304  A.  L.  Kroeber  in  Eeligion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  present  series,  iv, 
333,  1907,  speaks  of  “ pains  ” as  being  small,  material,  supernatural  objects  enter- 
ing human  bodies  and  causing  disease.  The  disease  is  said  to  be  cured  by  the 
shaman  sucking  the  “pain* ’ from  the  body,  the  “pain”  then  being  exhibited  to 
the  patient  as  an  assurance  that  he  will  recover. 

305  Indian  Population  in  the  United  States  and  Alaska,  1910,  U.  S.  Bureau  of 
the  Census,  p.  150  (1915).  A member  of  the  museum  staff,  returning  from  a trip 
to  northern  California  just  previous  to  the  time  of  this  paper  going  to  press,  says 
that  five  of  the  older  Wiyot,  including  Dandy  Bill  and  Tom  Brown,  our  inform- 
ants, have  died  during  the  past  two  years. 

see  IUd.,  pp.  210,  224. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  393 


physical  environment  was  the  same  in  former  as  in  recent  times, 
the  area  occupied  by  the  Wiyot  people  forms  a convenient  unit  for 
both  archaeological  and  ethnographical  study.  Within  the  limits 
selected,  172  village  sites,  both  prehistoric  and  historic,  were  located. 

Excavation  in  one  of  the  principal  ancient  sites  revealed  the  fact 
that  in  more  recent  times  the  inhabitants  of  the  region  buried  the  dead 
in  a straight  position  upon  the  back,  while  previously  cremation  had 
been  the  rule.  In  material  culture  the  former  inhabitants  resembled 
in  the  main  the  modern  Indians  of  the  Klamath  River  region.  We 
would  venture  to  place  the  center  of  the  culture  area  on  the  Klamath 
river,  perhaps  near  the  mouth  of  the  Trinity.  To  the  south  of  Cape 
Mendocino  none  but  the  most  meager  of  cultural  resemblances  are  to 
be  found,  while  in  the  opposite  direction  some  resemblances  occur  even 
as  far  north  as  Puget  sound. 

We  are  best  able  to  trace  specific  cultural  relationship  with  the 
northern  Indians  through  the  implements  called  slave-killers,  though 
whether  or  not  these  implements  were  really  used  to  kill  slaves  at 
Humboldt  bay  must  be  left  for  future  investigation  to  reveal.  If  we 
recognize  a culture  area  based  on  the  distribution  of  the  slave-killer 
alone,  we  should  find  the  area  to  take  in  Humboldt  bay,  Klamath 
river,  Trinity  river,  John  Day  river,  probably  the  Des  Chutes  river, 
the  lower  Columbia  river  valley,  and  Puget  sound  northward  to  Van- 
couver. The  28  specimens  of  this  implement  hitherto  found  in  this 
area  are  distributed  as  follows : 8 from  Gunther  island,  9 supposedly 
from  the  portion  of  Klamath  river  occupied  by  the  Karok  and  Shasta 
Indians,  1 from  Trinity  county  in  Wintun  territory,  3 from  John  Day 
river  in  Shahaptian  territory,  5 from  Willamette  slough  and  the  lower 
Columbia  river  in  Chinook  territory,  and  2 from  Puget  sound  in 
Salishan  territory.  So  far,  then,  as  the  present  known  number  of 
specimens  are  concerned,  the  center  would  be  on  the  middle  Klamath. 

Prom  what  little  is  known  in  other  respects  of  the  material  culture 
of  the  Oregon  Indians,  principally  those  of  the  Columbia  valley,  we 
are  able  to  see  occasionally  a hint  of  cultural  relationship  and  it  is 
expected  that  further  researches  will  reveal  other  resemblances  to  the 
Wiyot. 


394 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


TABLES 

TABLE  1 

Forest  Trees  of  the  Wiyot  Territory 


Common  size  Extreme  size 

A A 


Pine  Family 

Height 

Diameter 

Height 

Diameter 

Yellow  pine,  Pinus  ponderosa 

60-200 

2-  9 

300k 

15® 

Digger  pine,  Pinus  saljiniana 

40-  50 

1-  4 

80s 

— 

Sugar  pine,  Pinus  lambertiana 

80-250 

2-  8 

18s 

Beach  pine,  Pinus  contorta 

10-  40 

5-15* 

200k 

.... 

Coast  hemlock,  Tsuga  heterophylla 

100-200 

1-  4 

10s 

Tideland  spruce,  Picea  sitchensis 

80-200 

3-20 

300® 

30® 

Douglas  spruce,  Pseudotsuga  taxifolia 

100-250 

4-  8 

380b 

15b 

Lowland  fir,  Abies  grandis 

80-160 

1-  3 

300® 

6® 

Coast  redwood,  Sequoia  sempervirens 

100-300 

5-15 

380b 

33h 

Bed  cedar,  Tsuja  plicata 

50-  80 

1-  3 

250b 

33b 

Port  Orford  cedar,  Chamaecyparis 

lawsoniana  

80-175 

2-  4 

200 

12 

Yew  Family 

Western  yew,  Taxus  brevifolia 

15-  40 

1-  2 

75k 

3k 

Willow  Family 

Nuttall  willow,  Salix  flavescens 

5-  25 

9-18* 

70 

30*s 

Velvet  willow,  Salix  sitchensis 

5-  25 

3-10* 

12*s 

Black  cottonwood,  Populus  trichocarpa 

30-100 

1-  3 

200 

8 

Birch  Family 

Red  alder,  Alnus  rubra 

40-  90 

1-  2 

100® 

4® 

Oak  Family 

Oregon  oak,  Quercus  garryana 

25-  50 

2-  5 

80 

7k 

Black  oak,  Quercus  Tcelloggii 

30-  85 

1-  4 

100k 

8k 

Tan  oak,  Pasania  densiflora 

40-100 

1-  4 

150 

6k 

California  chestnut,  Castanea  chryso- 

phylla  

50-100 

2-  6 

150k 

9k 

Laurel  Family 

Pepperwood,  Umbellularia  calif ornica 

40-100 

1-  6 

150k 

9 

Rose  Family 

Oregon  crab-apple,  Pyrus  rivularis .... 

15-  30 

Is 

40s 

18*s 

Maple  Family 

Big-leaf  maple,  Acer  macrophyllum .... 

20-  60 

1-  3 

100 

5 

Dogwood  Family 

Dogwood,  Cornus  nuttallii 

10-  50 

1-  2k 

100k 

.... 

Heath  Family 

Madrona,  Arbutus  menziesii 

20-125 

1-  5 

130k 

10k 

Ash  Family 

Oregon  ash,  Fraxinus  oregona 

30-  80 

1-  3 

100k 

4s 

Honeysuckle  Family 

Blue  elderberry,  Sambucus  glauca 

15-  28 

6-18* 

28 

28* 

* Both  the  height  and  the  diameter  are  always  in  feet  except  where  indicated  hy  an 
asterisk,  in  which  case  the  diameter  is  in  inches.  The  authority  unless  otherwise  noted  is 
W.  L.  Jepson,  Silva  of  California,  1910. 

k A.  Kellogg,  Forest  Trees  of  California,  1882. 
e E.  P.  Sheldon,  Forest  Wealth  of  Oregon,  1894. 

s C.  S.  Sargent,  Sylva  of  North  America,  iv,  Yi,  ix,  xii,  1891-1902. 
b B.  Brereton,  The  Practical  Lumberman,  ed.  2,  1911. 

h Hutchings’  California  Magazine,  1856,  quoted  by  W.  W.  Elliott  & Co.,  History  of  Hum- 
boldt County,  California,  p.  140,  1881. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  395 


TABLE  2 


Shellmound  Samples  from  Site  67  Graded  According  to  Size  of  Constituents 


Depth, 

Quantity 

Coarsea 

Mediumb 

Fine® 

Finest4 

Layer 

ft. 

grams 

% 

% 

% 

% 

I 

1 

308 

7.86 

.75 

.47 

90.91 

II 

2 

1216 

.52 

.29 

.15 

99.03 

III 

2 

3304 

23.21 

3.00 

1.10 

72.68 

V 

3 

366 

.48 

.55 

.25 

98.71 

VII 

3.2 

990 

36.71 

2.17 

1.10 

60.02 

XI 

4 

635 

36.25 

3.88 

4.17 

55.70 

XV 

6 

345 

2.49 

.92 

.70 

95.89 

XVI 

6.5 

302 

22.32 

2.55 

1.66 

73.48 

XYI 

8 

2024 

15.93 

2.02 

1.63 

80.40 

Average  of  percentages 

16.20 

1.79 

1.25 

80.76 

a Caught  on  a sieve  having  8 meshes  to  the  inch. 

b Passing  through  a sieve  of  8 meshes  hut  caught  on  one  of  16  meshes  to  the  inch. 
c Passing  through  a sieve  of  16  meshes  hut  caught  on  one  of  25  meshes  to  the  inch. 
4 Passing  through  a sieve  of  25  meshes  to  the  inch. 


TABLE  3 


Analysis  of  Shellmound  Samples  from  Site  67 


Depth 

Quantity 

Shell 

Fish 

Bird 

Charcoal 

Rock 

Clay 

Residue 

Layer 

ft. 

grams 

% 

% 

% 

% 

% 

% 

% 

I 

1 

308 

7.88 

.20 

.23 

.54 

.23 

.... 

90.91 

II 

2 

1216 

.53 

.06 

.03 

.07 

.07 

.20 

99.03 

V 

3 

366 

.05 





.90 

.17 

.16 

98.71 

XI 

4 

635 

43.80 

.08 



.03 

.39 



55.70 

XV 

6 

345 

3.65 

.03 

.03 

.32 

.09 



95.89 

XVI 

6.5 

302 

23.84 

.10 



1.92 

.66 



73.48 

XVI 

8 

2024 

17.64 

.03 

.01a 

1.80 

.07 

.02 

80.40 

Average  of 

7 samples 

13.91 

.07 

.04 

.80 

.24 

.06 

84.87 

HI 

2 

3304 

16.10 

.58 

9.75 

.26 

.55 

.07 

72.68 

VII 

3.2 

990 

31.78 

4.86 

1.72 

.58 

.10 

.92 

60.02 

5 gal.b  j 

15.95- 

.22+ 

.03+ 

.24 

.09+ 

.03 

80.43 

0-6 

18.87- 

.25+ 

.04+ 

.27 

.10+ 

.04 

83.44 

a Also  about  an  equal  amount  of  cetacean  hones. 

b Five  gallons,  or  some  20,000  to  25,000  grams,  taken  in  about  equal  amounts  from  all 
depths  down  to  six  feet.  The  two  sets  of  figures  indicate  the  extremes  of  calculations  based 
on  rough  estimates  made  in  the  field  checked  up  by  a more  careful  analysis  at  the  University 
of  material  passing  through  a sieve  with  four  meshes  to  the  inch.  Because  of  the  unknown 
amounts  of  bone  and  rock  caught  on  the  sieve  along  with  the  coarser  shell,  an  unknown, 
though  small,  percentage  should  be  subtracted  from  the  figures  for  the  percentage  of  shell, 
and  added  to  that  of  the  fish,  bird,  and  rock. 


396 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


TABLE  4 

Vertebrate  Remains — Site  67 


0-3  ft. 


3-6  ft. 


6-9  ft. 


Total 


No. 

Grams 

No. 

Grams 

No. 

Grams 

No. 

Grams 

Artifacts 

Cervidae  bone  

46 

902 

20 

464 

2 

47 

68 

1413 

Cervidae  horn  

18 

611 

17 

811 



35 

1422 

Bird  bone  

13 

48 

2 

7 

15 

55 

Not  Artifacts 

Cetacean3  

3 

765 

21 

5160 

2 

158 

26 

6083 

Seals  

17 

226 

34 

890 

1 

17 

52 

1133 

Sea-otter  

9 

58 

3 

59 

3 

16 

15 

133 

Misc.  marine  

20 

176 





20 

176 

Cervidae  bone  

42 

1145 

60 

1559 

17 

708 

119 

3412 

Cervidae  horn  

34 

482 

13 

397 

47 

879 

Misc.  mammal  

144 

521 

187 

1116 

40 

221 

371 

1858 

Bird15  - 



2302 

1613 

53 



3968 

Fishc  

112 

61 

34 

24 

.... 

146 

85 

Total  

458 

7297 

391 

12100 

65 

1220 

914 

20617 

a One  piece  from  upper  levels  weighed 
three  feet  weighed  4422  grams. 

727  grams,  and 

a vertebra  from  i 

i depth  of  over 

b Approximately  2000  pieces  from  upper  three  feet,  1000  pieces  from  three  to  six  feet 
deep,  and  37  pieces  from  a greater  depth.  Figures  do  not  include  some  400  pieces  over  an 
inch  in  length  from  a pocket  in  layer  III  for  which  see  table  3. 
c Does  not  include  the  pocket  of  fish  bone  from  layer  VII. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  397 


TABLE  5 

Human  Remains  and  Number  of  Associated  Artifacts — Site  67 


o 

ri 

g 

<D 

® 

m 

x/l 

§ 

"3 

a 

O) 

£ 

a 

® 

*03 

i 

/"eight 

ounces 

13 

"3 

a 

a 

."a 

o 

as 

'Ci 

Pi 

cS 

03 

r3 

rQ 

>> 

£ 

® 

pi 

o 

’3 

o 

Pi 

03 

o 

te  ?h 

o cS 

<A 

A 

pq 

o 

£ 

w. 

w. 

6 

W 

w. 

o 

Eh 

1 

.8 

X 

25 

X 



2 

1 

.... 

.... 

3 

2 

8 

6 

1. 

X 



70 

X 



.... 

.... 

3 

1.2 

.... 

X 

25 

X 

1 

12 



.... 

1 

— . * 

14 

9 

1.3 

X 

5 

X 



6 

.... 

4 

3 

3 

16 

19 

1.7 

X 

32 

X 

7 

4 

2f 

31 

.... 

4 

2 

22 

21 

1.8 

X 



0.2 

.... 

a 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

2 

2. 

X 

1.5 



b 

15 

1 

Is 



2 

.... 

1 

20 

4 

2. 



X 

23 

X 



18 

.... 

lh 



2 

.... 

.... 

21 

5 

2.2 

X 

17 

X 

.... 





12 

2.3 



X 

40 

X 



5 

2 

13 

1 

.... 

21 

20 

2.3 

.... 

X 

0.4 

? 



4 

.... 



3 

.... 

.... 

7 

8 

2.8 

X 

79 

X 

j.  ( 

.... 

.... 

’ 

.... 

10 

2.8 



X 

36 

X 

.... 

.... 



1 

1 

1 

3 

7 

3. 

X 



91 

X 



1 



2 

3 

22 

3. 

X 

0.1 

a 

.... 













13 

3. 

X 

C 



2 



1 

1 

1 

1 

6 

11 

3.2 

X 

d 



b 







.... 

2 

1 

3 

18 

3.5 

X 

2 



e 

1 



.... 

1 

1 

2 

1 

6 

15 

4.5 

X 

C 



2 

1 

1 





4 

16 

4.5 



X 

7.1 

X 

.... 



— r- 

.... 





14 

4.8 



X 

6.3 

X 

28 

5 

lh 

73 

3 

1 

1 

112 

17 

5.8 

X 

10 

X 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

Total 

6 

16 

15 

5 

88 

30 

5 

93 

19 

19 

12 

266 

a Very  young  infant. 
b Child. 

c No  hone  remains  hut  cremation  indicated  by  charcoal  and  artifacts. 
d Human  remains  consisted  of  one  tooth  only. 
e Adolescent. 

f One  pipe,  one  slave-killer, 
s Pipe. 
h Slave-killer. 

1 One  clay  pipe. 


398 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


TABLE  6 


S( 

JATTEI 

1ED 

Artifa 

CTS— 

-Site 

67 

<D 

m 

PI 

XJl 

Depth  ft. 

Obsidian 

Chert 

Sandstone 

Steatite 

m 

Clay  halls 

PI 

o 

'd 

Pi 

s 

P3 

O 

rQ 

a 

a 

03 

a 

Horn  wedge 

o 

ft 

Pi 

cS 

PI 

Pi 

O 

H 

Olivella  beat 

o 

H 

.5a 

1 

3 

10a 

lb 

2 



1 

3 

2 





23 

1. 

1 



5 





4 

4 

3 

2 

1 

1 

21 

1.5 





9 





9° 

4 

9 

2 





33 

2. 

4 





7 

.... 

6 

1 

.... 

.... 

18 

2.5 

/ ...I 

7 

ld 



8 

1 

8 

5 

1 

.... 

31 

3. 



1 : 

2 



7 

.... 

5 

5 

2 

.... 

21 

3.5 





5 



2 

1 

4 

2 

.... 

14 

4. 

n 



5 





4 

.... 

6 

2 

.... 

.... 

17 

4.5 





5 





2 



1 

5 

.... 

13 

5. 





6 



.... 

1 

.... 

.... 

1 

.... 

1 

9 

5.5 

6. 

.... 

3 

.... 

.... 

1 

.... 

1 

.... 

.... 

1 

4 

2 

7. 

0-3 

.... 

.... 

15 

.... 

1 

.... 

.... 

1 

6 

3 

1 

.... 

1 

26 

3-6 

.... 

4e 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

4 

Total 

2 

3 

80f 

2 

3 

45 

11 

53 

30 

5 

3 

237 

a One  maul  4 in.  deep,  other  articles  6 to  9 in.  deep. 
b Fragments  of  slave-killers. 
c Not  including  seven  fragments. 
d Fragment  of  a dish  (pi.  16,  fig.  6). 

e Hammer  stones  found  at  the  museum  among  samples  of  stone. 
f Including  8 specimens  really  not  sandstone. 


1918]  Loud:  Ethno  geography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  399 


TABLE  7 

Chipped  Implements — Site  67 


Obsidian  White  flint  Chert 


r 

c} 

DQ 

' 

' 

' 

0 
PI 
02 
a 
‘3 

1 

© 

'Z) 

S3 

3 

M 

o 

03 

d 

02 

© 

S3 

% 

n 

.a 

02 

a> 

> 

rt 

*3 

ft 

£ 

O 

u 

02 

Pi 

.2 

u 

ca 

© 

03 

bo 

> 

Xfl 

o.S 

OH  O 

© 

3 

o.H 
u o 

02 

P 

’§ 

75 

A 

.8 

1.2 

s 

« 

M 

*51 

> 

s 

2 

& 

5 

M 

3 P< 

£ 

2 

1 

3 

1 

9 

1.3 

1 

2 

1 

1 







1 





6 

19 

1.7 

2 

2 



2d 



l 



.... 

.... 

7 

2 

2. 

1 

.... 

12 









1 



1 



15 

4 

2. 

1 

1 



7 

le 



l 

i 

4 



1 

l1 

18 

12 

7 

2.3 

Q 

1 

.... 

.... 

.... 

1 

l 

-- 

2 

.... 

BIB 

5 

13 

O. 

3. 

i 

1? 

i 

_L 

2 

18 

3.5 

.... 



1 





.... 



.... 





1 

15 

4.5 



.... 

1? 

l 







2 

14 

4.8 

1 

1 

5 

2f 

.... 

3 

3 

9 

.... 

3 

i 

28 

6 in. 

.... 

.... 

.... 





2 



..1. 

2 

9 in. 
1ft. 

1 

1 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 

V 

2 

1 

Total 

6 

8 

3 

25 

6 

6 

7 

5 

14 

5 

5 

3 

93 

a Long  double  pointed  type  of  ceremonial  knife  (pi.  13,  figs.  1,  2,  6). 
b Single  pointed  type  less  than  five  inches  long  (pi.  13,  figs.  7,  8). 
c Mostly  too  fragmentary  to  classify. 

d Two  fragmentary  knives  probably  over  four  inches  long,  perhaps  much  longer. 
e Red  obsidian  scraper  (text  fig.  2). 
f Two  drills  (pi.  14,  figs.  13,  15). 

& Ceremonial  blades  are  over  4 inches  long,  2 inches  wide,  and  well  worked  (pi.  13, 
figg.  3,  4;  pi.  14,  fig.  1).  Knives  are  smaller  and  often  cruder.  In  cases  of  fragmentary 
specimens  there  is  some  doubt  as  to  the  original  size. 

h All  lengths  from  two  inches  to  over  five  inches  (pi.  13,  figs.  5,  9). 

1 Drill  (pi.  14,  fig.  14). 

1 Scraper  (pi.  15,  fig.  5). 


400 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  14 


TABLE  8 


Sani 

>STONE 

Imple 

MENTS- 

—Site 

67 

<2 

a 

o 

m 

<B 

o 

a 

J> 

a 

O 

M 

Vi 

02 

s 

3 

a 

<x> 

E 

ft 

© 

Q 

Pestles 

Mauls 

as 

V 

N 

< 

u 

Q 

.a 

w. 

*73 

.5h 

s 

a 

a 

a 

W 

.2 

£ 

Total 

1 

.8 





1 









1 

3 

1.2 

1 





11 





....  ■ 

12 

19 

1.7 

2 

2 









.... 

4 

2 

2. 







1 

.... 



1 

12 

2.3 

.... 

2^ 







2 

20 

2.3 

2 

2 









4 

15 

4.5 

....  ; ' 

.... 

.... 

.... 

.... 



i 

1 

14 

4.5 





1 



1 

3s 

5 

f .5 

2 

2b 

3 

3e 

10 

1. 

.... 

....  •, 



4f 

l 



5 

1.5 





1 

5 

2 

V 

9 

2. 

....  ' 

2 

.... 

2 





4 

2.5 

1 

2 

1 

2 



1 

7 

bD 

a 

3. 

; / . . ..  r'  1 

1 

1 



2 

<D 

£ < 

3.5 

1 

4* 





5 

c3 

O 

OQ 

4. 



1 

.... 

4® 







5 

4.5 

2 

3 

.... 

5 

5. 

1 

1 

4g 

6 

5.5a 

.... 

.... 



2 

1 

v 



3 

0-3 

3 

8 



2® 

- 

2 

.... 

15 

3-6 

.... 

.... 

.... 

4 

4 

Total 

15 

21 

6 

§ 1 

5 

7 

6 

110 

a One  sinker  and  a girdled  stone  at  depths  of  5 % feet. 
b One  maul  at  a depth  of  4 inches. 

c Including  8 specimens  not  of  sandstone  but  of  sinker  type. 
d One  of  granite. 
e One  of  chert. 
f One  of  porphyry, 
s One  of  granite  and  one  of  chert. 

11  Mostly  too  fragmentary  to  classify. 

1 One  problematical  stone  object  (pi.  17,  fig.  5). 

J Fragment  of  an  anvil  or  mortar-slab  used  with  a basket  hopper. 


1918] 


Loud:  Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory  401 


6 


3 
9 
2 

4 
12 
20 
10 

13 
18 

14 


O 

W. 


1.2 

1.3 

2. 

2. 

2.3 
2.3 
2.8 
3. 

3.5 
4.8 

.5 

1. 

1.5 

2. 

2.5 

3. 

3.5 

4. 

4.5 
6-7 
0-3 


TABLE  9 

Bone  Artifacts — Site  67 


4 

2 

2 

1 

3 

1 

1 

1 

3 

4 

7 

13 

6 

9 

5 

5 

6 
1 
2 
6 


Total  627  7 39  5557  83 

a Limb  bones,  one  end  cut  off. 
b One  awl. 

c End  cut  off  and  rejected  in  making  implements. 
d Mostly  too  fragmentary  to  classify. 
e One  harpoon  point  and  possibly  top  of  another. 
f Problematical  objects  (pi.  30,  figs.  8 and  9). 
h One  at  a depth  of  6 ft.,  the  other  7 ft. 


m Total 


402 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Yol.  14 


TABLE  10 

Shell  Objects  and  Carbonized  Articles — Site  67 

Shell  objects 


c3 

g 

A 

i 

c3 

"2 

H 

O 

> 

© 

© 

© c8 
Pi  © 

Ms 

in 

"eS 

ft 

o 

£* 

£* 

w 

EH 

l 

.8 

1 



2a 

l 

1 

5 

9 

1.3 

1 

1 

la 



l 

1 

1 

6 

19 

1.7 

1 

lb 

la 

1 

l 

1 



6 

2 

2. 





.... 

l 





1 

10 

2.8 

la 



.... : 



1 

7 

3. 



2 

.... 





2 

13 

3. 

" ■ ’ 

lb 



l 





2 

11 

3.2 

1 

1 

l 



3 

18 

4.5 

2 

l 

3 

14 

4.8 



1 

l 

2 

s 1 

r i-. 



■ ! 

1 

■ ■ ■ 

1 

1 

4.5 

2b 







2 

11 

1 5* 

. 

1 

1 

w. 

l 6. 

1 

.... 

9H 

.... 

1 

Total 


8C 


11 


2d 


8 


36 


a Figures  denote  number  of  lots  of  beads,  etc. 
b Not  an  artifact,  but  of  rare  occurrence. 

c Not  counting  a piece  of  worked  abalone  found  on'  the  surface  of  the  mound. 
d Not  including  a pecten  shell  found  on  the  surface. 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[LOUD]  PLATE  1 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  2 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  3 

Map  showing  archaeological  sites  near  the  entrance  to  Humboldt  bay.  Based 
on  the  U.  S.  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  map  of  1858. 

Small  figures  indicate  position  of  channels  and  depth  in  feet  at  the  mean 
of  the  lower  low  waters. 

Dotted  lines  indicate  extent  of  mud  flats  at  the  mean  of  the  lower  low  waters. 

Broken  contour  lines  indicate  elevations  of  20  feet,  100  feet,  and  successive 
differences  of  100  feet  above  high  water. 

Shaded  area  indicates  marsh,  while  dotted  area  shows  old  channels  of  Elk 
river. 


[ 404] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  3 


ENTRANCE  TO  HUMBOLDT  BAY,  1858 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  4 

; c-h  w 

Photographic  reproduction  of  a map  of  Humboldt  bay  sketched  in  1806  by 
Capt.  Jonathan  Winship,  engaged  in  the  fur  trade  for  the  Bussian-Ameriean  Com- 
pany. Published  as  a subchart  to  general  chart  XIII  in  Atlas  of  Northwest 
Coast  of  America,  Aleutian  Islands,  and  other  Places  in  the  North  Pacific;  com- 
piled in  1848  by  Captain  Tibenkof  and  printed  in  1852  at  St.  Petersburg. 

Mad  river  is  not  shown  upon  this  map  while  the  portion  from  Little  river 
northward  was  probably  taken  from  Vancouver’s  chart. 

Locations  of  four  Indian  villages  are  indicated  by  rectangles. 


[406] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  4 


WIN  SHIP  MAP  OF  HUMBOLDT  BAY,  1806 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  5 

Fig.  1. — Looking  northwest  from  the  mouth  of  Little  river ; site  2,  plet- 
kosomili,  ‘ 1 rocks-small,  ’ ’ just  around  the  first  point;  Little  River  Rock,  a double 
headed  rock  of  120  ft.  elevation,  in  the  center;  Trinidad  Head,  of  380  ft.  elevation, 
in  the  distance  beyond  Little  River  Rock;  and  Pilot  Rock,  103  ft.  elevation,  in 
the  distance  to  the  left.  A sand  bar  littered  with  driftwood  is  in  the  foreground 
to  the  left  (text,  p.  227). 

Fig.  2. — View  of  Red  Bluff  and  Humboldt  hill,  100  and  600  ft.  elevation 
respectively,  taken  from  aboard  ship  near  the  entrance  to  the  bay. 


[ 408  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  5 


Fig.  1. 


Fig.  2. 


ABRUPT  COASTS 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  6 

Fig.  1. — Wiyot  camping  place  on  North  fork  of  Mad  river  at  site  af,  where 
there  is  a water  hole  12  ft.  deep  even  in  the  dry  season  (text,  p.  264). 

Fig.  2. — The  “ Arrow  Tree,  ” site  ah  (text,  p.  252). 


[410] 


WIYOT  CAMPING  PLACES 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN , VOL.  14  [LOUD]  PLATE  6 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  7 


Fig.  1. — Shellmound,  site  58,  light  colored  area  in  the  center.  Eureka  slough 
to  the  left  (text,  p.  268). 

Fig.  2. — Looking  northwest  from  Hookton  slough  towards  Table  Bluff  and 
the  modern  Indian  village,  Indianola,  situated  on  an  old  village  site,  site  100, 
yawonawoch. 


[412] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN.  VOL,  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  7 


Fig.  r 


Fig.  2. 


WIYOT  VILLAGES  OF  THE  PAST  AND  OF  THE  PRESENT 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  8 


Fig.  1. — Sand  dunes  to  the  north  of  site  37,  fifty  to  sixty  feet  in  elevation, 
burying  trees  three  feet  in  diameter,  and  doubtless  overwhelming  the  remains  of 
more  than  one  “Old  Nation”  (text,  pp.  276,  281). 

Fig.  2. — Shellmound,  site  27,  occupied  by  a modern  dwelling  (text,  p.  276). 


[414] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH 


ETHN , VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  8 


Fig.  2. 


Fig.  1. 


SAND  DUNE  AND  VILLAGE  SITE 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  9 


Fig.  1. — View  of  site  67,  t51owot,  a shellmound  14  feet  high  and  600  feet  long, 
extending  nearly  the  entire  length  of  the  picture.  In  the  foreground  is  seen  a 
smaller  isolated  patch  of  shell  (text,  p.  339). 

Fig.  2. — Site  23,  digawethatkiL,  a shellmound  seen  over  the  board  fence  and 
reaching  back  nearly  to  the  woods  one-quarter  of  a mile  away  (text,  p.  275). 


[416] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  9 


Fig.  1. 


Fig.  2. 


SHELLMOUNDS 


A 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  10 

Fig.  1. — Site  11.  One  of  fifty  or  more  patches  of  shell,  broken  chert,  and 
burnt  stones,  left  exposed  by  drifting  sand,  along  a three-mile  stretch  of  ocean 
beach  (text,  p.  279). 

Fig.  2. — Site  11.  One  of  twenty  or  more  patches  of  small  fiat  stones,  left 
exposed  by  drifting  sand  along  a three-mile  stretch  of  ocean  shore  where  the 
“Old  Nation”  used  to  live  (text,  pp.  279,  281). 


[418] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  10 


Fig.  1. 


Fig.  2. 


WHERE  THE  1 1 OLD  NATION  ’ ’ DWELT 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH. 


ETHN , VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  1 1 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN, 


EXPLANATION  OE  PLATE  13 


Stone  knives  from  site  67.  All  figures  .4  of  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Black  obsidian  ceremonial  knife  found  with  human  remains  no.  9 
at  a depth  of  1.3  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18213. 

Fig.  2. — Bed  obsidian  ceremonial  knife,  with  remains  no.  9.  Mus.  no.  1-18214. 

Fig.  3. — White  flint  ceremonial  knife,  with  remains  no.  1 at  a depth  of  9 
inches.  Mus.  no.  1-18061. 

Fig.  4. — White  flint  knife,  with  remains  no.  12  at  a depth  of  2.3  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18070. 

Fig.  5. — Greenish  chert  knife  from  a depth  of  6 inches.  Mus.  no.  1-18308. 

Fig.  6. — Bed  obsidian  knife,  with  remains  no.  7 at  a depth  of  3 feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18000. 

Fig.  7. — Black  obsidian  knife,  with  remains  no.  19  at  a depth,  of  1.7  feet. 
Mus.  no.  1-18234. 

Fig.  8. — Black  obsidian  knife  or  scraper  with  remains  no.  18  at  a depth  of 
3.5  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18212. 

Fig.  9.: — Gray  chert  knife,  with  remains  no.  9 at  a depth  of  1.3  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18216. 


[ 420  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN,  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  13 


KNIVES 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  14 

Chipped  implements  from  site  67,  found  in  association  with  cremated  human 
remains.  Figure  1 with  remains  no.  9 at  a depth  of  1.3  feet.  Figures  2,  5,  6,  7, 
9,  11,  12,  13,  and  15  with  remains  no.  14  at  a depth  of  4.8  feet.  Figure  3 with 
remains  no.  2 at  a depth  of  2 feet.  Figures  4,  10,  and  14  with  remains  no.  4 at  a 
depth  of  2 feet.  Figure  8 with  remains  no.  13  at  a depth  of  3 feet.  All  figures 
.98  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Fragment  of  a white  flint  knife.  Mus.  no.  1-18217. 

Fig.  2. — Dark  brown  chert  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18107. 

Fig.  3. — Greenish  chert  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18052. 

Fig.  4. — Black  obsidian  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18003. 

Fig.  5. — White  flint  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18109. 

Fig.  6. — White  flint  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18112. 

Fig.  7. — Black  obsidian  arrow  point.  Mus.  no.  1-18103. 

Fig.  8. — White  flint  spear  point  or  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18261. 

Fig.  9. — White  flint  arrow  point  or  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18111. 

Fig.  10. — White  flint  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18014. 

Fig.  11. — White  flint  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18114. 

Fig.  12. — White  flint  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18105. 

Fig.  13. — Black  obsidian  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18104. 

Fig.  14. — Brown  chert  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18012. 

Fig.  15.— Black  obsidian  drill.  Mus.  no.  1-18106. 


[ 422  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  14 


CHIPPED  IMPLEMENTS 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  15 

Chipped  implements  from  various  sites.  All  figures  .87  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Red  chert  scraper  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17869. 

Fig.  2. — Black  and  red  obsidian  scraper  or  knife  from  site  10.  Mus.  no. 
1-17861. 

Fig.  3. — Brown  and  greenish  chert  scraper  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17868. 
Fig.  4. — Greenish  gray  arrow  point  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17865. 

Fig.  5. — Brown  chert  scraper  from  site  67  at  a depth  of  9 inches.  Mus. 
no.  1-18310. 

Fig.  6. — White  translucent  chalcedony  arrow  point  from  site  10.  Mus.  no. 
1-17862. 

Fig.  7. — Red  chert  arrow  point  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17871. 

Fig.  8. — Brown  and  gray  arrow  point  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17864. 

Fig.  9. — Red  chert  spear  point  from  site  106.  Mus.  no.  1-17991. 

Fig.  10. — Greenish  chert  arrow  point  from  site  43.  Mus.  no.  1-17967. 

Fig.  11. — Brown  chert  spear  or  arrow  point  from  site  106.  Mus.  no.  1-17993. 

Fig.  12. — Greenish  chert  spear  point  of  a “kind  not  made  by  Indians  but 

thrown  up  by  the  ground  when  it  has  a pain.  ’ ’ Gift  of  Dandy  Bill.  Mus.  no. 
1-17996. 

Fig.  13. — Brown  chert  drill  from  site  68.  Mus.  no.  1-17982. 

Fig.  14. — Greenish  chert  drill  from  site  10.  Mus.  no.  1-17866. 

Fig.  15. — Red  chert  drill  from  site  68.  Mus.  no.  1-17983. 


[424  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN.  VOL,  14  [LOUD]  PLATE  15 


CHIPPED  IMPLEMENTS 


% 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  16 

Stone  implements.  Figure  2 from  site  54,  the  others  from  site  67.  All  figures 
.29  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Pestle  found  with  human  remains  no.  3 at  a depth  of  1.3  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18022. 

Fig.  2. — Pestle  from  site  54.  Mus.  no.  17977. 

Fig.  3. — Maul  found  with  remains  no.  20  at  a depth  of  2.3  feet.  Mus.  no. 
1-18269. 

Fig.  4. — Maul  found  with  remains  no.  19  at  a depth  of  1.7  feet.  Mus.  no. 
1-18254. 

Fig.  5. — A stone  partially  shaped  into  a maul  when  it  was  split  longitudin- 
ally. Mus.  no.  1-18504. 

Fig.  6. — Fragment  of  a steatite  dish  from  a depth  of  2.5  feet.  Mus.  no. 
1-18301. 

Fig.  7. — Adze  handle  found  with  remains  no.  1 at  a depth  of  9 inches.  Mus. 
no.  1-18060. 

Fig.  8. — Adze  handle  from  a depth  of  1.5  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18281. 


[ 426  ] 


VARIOUS  STONE  IMPLEMENTS 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  17 


Objects  from  various  sites.  All  figures  .5  natural  size. 

Fig.  la  and  Id. — Photographic  reproduction  and  cross-section  of  a steatite 
pipe  from  site  67.  Found  with  human  remains  no.  2 at  a depth  of  2 feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18038. 

Fig.  2. — Steatite  pipe  from  site  67.  Found  with  remains  no.  19  at  a depth 
of  1.7  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18239. 

Figs.  3a  and  3d. — Photographic  reproduction  and  cross-section  of  a bowl  of  a 
pipe  made  of  steatite,  from  site  27.  Mus.  no.  1-17953. 

Fig.  4. — Abrading  implement  of  clay  from  site  80.  Mus.  no.  1-17990. 

Fig.  5. — Problematical  stone  object  from  site  67.  Found  with  remains  no.  14 
at  a depth  of  4.8  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18118. 

Fig.  6. — Hammer  stone  from  sites  11,  12,  or  13.  Mus,  no.  1-17923. 

Fig.  7. — Net  sinker  from  site  67.  Mus.  no.  1-18312. 

Figs.  8a  and  Sd. — Side  view  and  transverse  cross-section  of  a girdled  stone 
from  site  67  at  a depth  of  1.3  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18345. 

Fig.  9. — Girdled  stone  from  the  beach  at  site  67.  Mus.  no.  1-18526. 


[ 428  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN,  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  17 


PIPES,  SINKERS,  ETC. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  18 

Ceremonial  stone  clubs  or  slave-killers  made  of  steatite.  Figures  1,  2,  and  3 
from  site  67.  Figure  4 obtained  from  the  Yurok  of  Klamath  river.  Figure  3a 
and  3 b .9  natural  size,  all  other  figures  .26  natural  size. 

Figs,  la  and  1&. — Two  views  of  a slave-killer,  416  mm.  in  length,  weight  867 
grams  (30.6  ounces),  found  with  human  remains  no.  19  at  a depth  of  1.7  feet. 
Mus.  no.  1-18231.  Fig.  lc.— Cross-section  of  the  same  at  the  position  indicated 
by  the  arrow. 

Fig.  2a. — Slave-killer,  322  mm.  in  length,  weight  402  grams,  found  with 
remains  no.  14  at  a depth  of  4.8  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18093.  Fig.  2 &. — Cross-section 
of  the  same  at  the  position  indicated  by  the  arrow. 

Figs.  3a  and  3&. — Two  views  of  a miniature  imitation  of  a slave-killer,  54  mm. 
in  length,  weight  9 grams  (.3  ounce),  found  with  remains  no.  4 at  a depth  of 
2 feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18018. 

Fig.  4. — Stone  club  423  mm.  in  length,  weight  940  grams.  Mus.  no.  1-1570. 


[ 430  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL,  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  18 


STONE  CLUBS  FROM  WIYOT  AND  YUROK  AREAS 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  19 

War-clubs  and  slave-killers  from  various  parts  of  America.  Figure  6,  made 
from  bone  of  a whale;  all  others  of  stone.  Figure  9,  taken  from  C.  B.  Moore, 
Certain  Aboriginal  Remains  of  the  Black  Warrior  River,  Jour.  Acad.  Nat.  Sci. 
Phila.,  xiii,  134,  1905.  All  other  figures  taken  from  H.  I.  Smith,  Archaeology  of 
the  Gulf  of  Georgia  and  Puget  Sound,  Mem.  Am.  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  iv,  1907.  All 
figures  .21  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Probably  from  Klamath  river.  (Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass.) 

Fig.  2. — Found  three  meters  deep  at  Poormans  Bar,  Scott  river,  Siskiyou 
county,  California.  (Collected  by  Dr.  F.  G.  Hearn.) 

Fig.  3. — From  Willamette  slough,  Columbia  county,  Oregon.  (Collected  by 
Judge  F.  A.  Moore.) 

Fig.  4. — Probably  from  Klamath  river.  (Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass.) 

Fig.  5. — From  Shovel  Creek  Springs,  Siskiyou  county,  California,  20  miles 
west  of  Klamath  lake.  (Collected  by  J.  W.  Gotcher.) 

Fig.  6. — From  Barclay  sound,  west  coast  of  Vancouver  island.  (Royal  Ethno- 
graphical Museum,  Berlin.) 

Fig.  7. — From  north  arm  of  Burrad  Inlet,  near  Vancouver,  B.  C.  (Provincial 
Museum,  Victoria,  B.  C.) 

Fig.  8. — From  Chilkat,  150  miles  north  of  Sitka,  Alaska.  (Collected  by 
Lieut.  G.  T.  Emmons.) 

Fig.  9. — Monolithic  hatchet  of  greenstone  from  Moundville,  west  central 
Alabama. 


[ 432  ] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  19 


CLUBS  FROM  CALIFORNIA,  OREGON,  AND  ELSEWHERE 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  20 

Figures  1 to  5,  objects  of  clay,  and  figures  6 to  14,  objects  of  bone,  from  site 
67.  Figures  15  to  17,  bone  objects  from  Klamath  river  region,  showing  char- 
acteristic decoration  of  northwestern  California.  All  figures  .73  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Clay  ball  found  with  remains  no.  10  at  a depth  of  2.8  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18204. 

Fig.  2. — Clay  ball  found  with  remains  no.  14  at  a depth  of  4.8  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18123. 

Fig.  3. — Clay  ball  from  a depth  of  4%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18387. 

Fig.  4. — Clay  pipe  found  with  remains  no.  19  at  a depth  of  1.7  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18240. 

Fig.  5. — Clay  ball  from  a depth  of  3%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18380. 

Fig.  6. — Bird  bone  bead  from  a depth  of  6 inches.  Mus.  no.  1-18402. 

Fig.  7. — Head  scratcher  (?)  from  a depth  of  2%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18431. 

Figs.  8a  and  8&. — Two  views  of  a problematical  bone  object  from  a depth  of 
4%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18423. 

Fig.  9. — Bone  object  from  a depth  of  4*4  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18410. 

Figs.  10  and  11. — Whistles  made  from  the  ulnae  of  large  birds.  Objects  found 
together  at  a depth  of  one  foot.  Mus.  nos.  1-18401  and  1-18400. 

Figs.  12  and  13. — Head  scratehers  (?)  found  with  remains  no.  2 at  a depth 
of  two  feet.  Mus.  nos.  1-18056  and  1-18057. 

Fig.  14. — Head  scratcher  from  a depth  of  3%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18411. 

Fig.  15. — Head  scratcher  used  by  Yurok.  Mus.  no.  1-1161. 

Fig.  16. — Hair  pin  used  by  Yurok.  Mus.  no.  1-2189. 

Fig.  17. — Louse  killer  from  Klamath  river  region.  Mus.  no.  l-1245a. 


[ 434] 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH,  & ETHN . VOL,  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  20 


OBJECTS  OF  CLAY  AND  BONE 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  21 

Objects  of  bone,  horn,  and  shell  from  site  67.  All  figures  .5  natural  size. 

Fig.  1. — Gouge  made  from  the  proximal  end  of  a cannon  bone.  From  a depth 
of  1%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18446. 

Fig.  2. — Bone  gouge  from  a depth  of  9 inches.  Mus.  no.  1-18444. 

Fig.  3. — Horn  harpoon  from  a depth  of  3 feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18428. 

Fig.  4. — Horn  wedge  from  a depth  of  3 feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18487. 

Fig.  5. — Horn  wedge  from  a depth  of  4 feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18491. 

Fig.  6. — Horn  wedge  from  a depth  of  2%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18486. 

Fig.  7. — Bone  gouge  from  a depth  of  3%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18433. 

Fig.  8. — Awl  made  from  the  humerus  of  a bird.  From  a depth  of  3%  feet. 
Mus.  no.  1-18422. 

Fig.  9. — Bone  awl  from  a depth  of  2%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18420. 

Fig.  10. — Abalone  pendant  found  with  human  remains  no.  7 at  a depth  of 
3 feet.  Mus.  no.  1-17998. 

Fig.  11. — Abalone  pendant  found  with  human  remains  no.  18  at  a depth 
of  3%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18209. 

Figs.  12a  and  12 b. — Horn  barb  of  a harpoon  from  a depth  of  3%  feet.  Mus. 
no.  1-18430. 

Fig.  13. — Bone  harpoon  from  a depth  of  2%  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18426. 

Fig.  14. — Bone  adze  blade  from  a depth  of  2^  feet.  Mus.  no.  1-18471. 

Fig.  15. — Bone  adze  blade  from  a depth  of  6 inches.  Mus.  no.  1-18469. 


[ 436  ] 


BSfe&ti 


UNIV.  CALIF.  PUBL.  AM.  ARCH.  & ETHN.  VOL.  14 


[ LOUD  ] PLATE  21 


OBJECTS  OF  BONE,  HORN  AND  SHELL 


' 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS -(CONTINUED) 

Vol,  6.  1.  The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Pomo  and  Neighboring  Indiana,  by  Sam- 
uel Alfred  Barrett.  Pp.  1-332,  maps  1-2.  February,  1908  .......... 

2.  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by  Samuel  Alfred 
Barrett.  Pp.  333-368,  map  3. 

3>  On  the  Evidence  of  the  Occupation  of  Certain  Begions  by  the  Miwok 
Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  369-380.  Nos.  2 and  3 in  one  cover. 

February,  1908  — 

Index,  pp.  381-400. 

Vol.  7.  1.  The  Emeryville  Shellmound,  by  Max  Uhle.  Pp.  1-106,  plates  L12,  with 

38  text  figures.  June,  1907  

2.  Recent  Investigations  bearing  upon  the  Question  of  the  Occurrence  of 
Neocene  Man  in  the  Auriferous  Gravels  of  California,  by  William 
J.  Sinclair,  Pp.  107-130,  plates  13-14.  February,  1908  

5.  Pomo  Indian  Basketry,  by  S.  A.  Barrett.  Pp.  133-308,  plates  15-30, 

231  text  figures.  December,  1908  

4.  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco  Bay  Region,  by  N.  C.  Nelson. 

Pp.  80S-S56,  plates  32-34.  December,  1909  l 

6.  The  Ellis  Landing  Shellmound,  by  N.  C.  Nelson.  Pp.  357-426,  plates 

36-50.  April,  1910  

Index,  pp.  427-443. 

VoL  8.  1.  A Mission  Record  of  the  California  Indians,  from  a Manuscript  in  the 

Bancroft  Library,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  1-27.  May,  1908  

2.  The  Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  29- 
68,  plates  1-15.  July,  1908  

5.  The  Religion  of  the  Luiseno  and  Bieguefio  Indians  of  Southern  Cali- 

fornia, by  Constance  Goddard  Dubois.  Pp.  69-186,  plates  16-19. 
June,  1908  r ...1............... ......... . 

4.  The  Culture  of  the  Luiseno  Indians,  by  Philip  S teaman  Sparkman. 

Pp.  187-234,  plate  20.  August,  1908 

5.  Notes  on  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  Southern  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroe- 

ber. Pp.  235-269.  September,  1909 , 

6.  The  Religious  Practices  of  the  Dieguefto  Indians,  by  T.  T.  Waterman. 

Pp.  271-358,  plates  21-28.  March,  1910  

Index,  pp.  359-369. 

VoL  9.  1.  Tana  Texts,  by  Edward  Sapir,  together  with  Yana  Myths  collected  by 

Roland  B.  Dixon.  Pp.  1-235.  February,  1910.....:.. 

2.  The  Chuhiash  and  Costanoan  Languages,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  237- 

271.  November,  1910...........  . ........... 

S.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  North  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  273-435,  and  map;  April,  1911 : 

Index,  pp.  437-439. 

Vol.  1C.  1.  Phonetic  Constituents  of  the  Native  Languages  of  California,  by  A. 

L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  1-12.  May,  1911  

2.  The  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Northern  Paiute  Language,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.  Pp.  13-44,  plates  1-5.  November,  1911  

3.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Mohave  Language,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp. 

45-96,  plates  6-20.  November,  1911  n ... 

4.  The  Ethnology  of  the  Salinan  Indians,  by  J.  Alden  Mason.  Pp,  97- 

240,  plates  21-37.  December,  1912 ...,.^.....1..., iijJL. 

5.  Papago  Verb  Stems,  by  Juan  Dolores.  Pp.  241-263.  August,  1913...... 

6.  Notes  on  the  Chilula  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  Pliny 

Earl  Goddard.  Pp.  265-288,  plates  38-41.  April,  1914  ........... 

7.  Chilula  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  289-379.  November, 

1914 .. 

Index,  pp.  381-385. 

Vol.  11.  1.  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  1-176, 
plates  1-45.  October,  1912  4: 

2.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Bieguefio  Language,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber  and 

J.  P.  Harrington.  Pp.  177-188.  April,  1914  

3.  Sarsi  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  189-277.  February,  1915 

4.  Serian,  Tequistlatecan,  and  Hokan,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.  Pp.  279-290. 

February,  1915  — _. 

5.  Dichotomous  Social  Organization  in  South  Central  California,  by  Ed- 

ward Winslow  Gifford.  Pp.  291-296.  February,  1916  — 

6.  The  Delineation  of  the  Day-Signs  in  the  Aztec  Manuscripts,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.  Pp.  297-398.  March,  1916  i ~. 

7.  The  Mutsun  Dialect  of  Costanoan  Based  on  the  Vocabulary  of  De  la 

Cuesta,  by  J.  Alden  Mason.  Pp.  399-472.  March,  1916  ...: 

Index,  pp.  473-479. 


3.25 

450 

1.28 

, .35 
,1.75 
.50 
,75 

.28 

.75 

1.25 


.50 

.33 

.80 


2.50 
.35 

1.50 

.10 

.45 

.60 

1.75 

.25 

.SO 

1.00 

2.00 

.10 

1.00 

.10 

.05 

1.09 

.70 


GETTY  RESEARCH  INSTITUTE 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS- (CONTINUED) 

VoL  12.  1.  Composition  of  California  Shellmounds,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gifford. 

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